ALSO BY INGO SWANN
To Kiss Earth Good-bye
Cosmic Art (Editor)
Star Fire (Fiction)
Natural ESP: A Layman’s Guide to Unlocking
the Extra Sensory Power of Your Mind
Everybody's Guide to Natural ESP
Your Nostradamus Factor: Accessing Your Innate
Ability to See into the Future
Purple Fables (Quartet)
The Great Apparitions of Mary: An Examination of
Twenty-Two Suprnnormal Appearances
Penetration: The Question of Extraterrestrial
and Human Telepathy
TH E BIO-PSYCHIC “ANATOMY’ OF
With a Foreword by
Paula Gunn Allen, Ph.D
kififihoihii , ,</>hn of Psychic Sexuality
>i*i available by calling
t ' v.s- M 404 d (toll-free).
. , ▼ This book is dedicated to
"(ivrighl < 1909 by Ingo Swann. All rights reserved. , the Late and Very Great Zelda Suplee
' 1 l)ook be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system Free Spirit, Sexologist, Social Critic,
oi transmitted in uny form by electronic, mechanical. ^^^B Universal Earth Mother,
photocopying, recording means or otherwise ' a Soul of Great Wonderment and Beauty
Without prior written permission of the author.
Published in the United States by Ingo Swann Books, ^^Bi
P.O. Box 2875.
Itnpid City. South Dakota 57709-2875
Telephone numbers for placing orders for this book:
(888) 453-4046 (USA, Canada) (Tbll Free)
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PSYCHIC SEXUALITY M
#l , , ■ This book is dedicated to
. . ' ''j'\ nv ,l c ,99 ” b y ln 8° Swann. All rights reserved. the Late and Very Great Zelda Suplee
' l,,B lM ’" k "'" v be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system Free Spirit, Sexologist, Social Critic,
or Irnnsmittnd in any form by electronic, mechanical, Universal Earth Mother,
p Totocopying, recording means or otherwise I a Soul of Great Wonderment and Beauty
without prior written permission of the author.
Published in the United States by Ingo Swann Books,
P.O. Box 2875,
Kupid City, South Dakota 57709-2875
'Iblephone numbers for placing orders for this book: '
(888) 453-4046 (USA, Canada) (Tbll Free)
(605) 341-5660 (Foreign)
(605) 341-0020 (Fax)
Front and back cover art by
I htkvWay Web (www. m i Iky way web. com )
l‘i lulnil m i he United States of America.
ITEMS TO CONSIDER
It’s unkind to point out
To those who don’t want to see it.
But it’s worse to point out
To those convinced it doesn’t exist.
What, When, and Who are important, of course, but
Meaning is only achieved by understanding
and which is one reason why the WHY
it hidden from easy access.
Enthusiasm collects Vital Energies
I OHIO word
W PART I
I TREMULOUS PULSATIONS
THE UNIVERSALITY OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 43
I OUR CONVENTIONAL APPROACHES TO
THE EXAMINATION OF SEXUALITY 43
HIE AVOIDED ISSUE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 44
I'KK-MODERN CONCEPTS OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 45
SEXUAL ENERGIES AS TANGIBLE “SUBSTANCES” 46
THE STRANGE SOCIETAL AVOIDANCE
OF SEXUAL ENERGIES 46
EARLY RESEARCH CONTEXTS REGARDING
SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 47
INANIMATE ENERGY— ANIMATE ENERGY 49
THE PRIMITIVE IDEA OF THE “LIFE FLUID" 49
THE MODEL OF MECHANISTIC “WORK” ENERGIES 51
MAJOR SOURCES OF MECHANISTIC ENERGY 52
ANIMATING ENERGETICS 52
SEXUALITY AS BEHAVIOR? 64
ORGANISM— ORGANISMIC 65
ORGANIC VITALITY— A FORM
OF ANIMATING ENERGETICS 56
SELF- VIBRATING ENERGIES 57
BODY-MIND versus BODY-ENERGY-MIND 59
IMAGES OF MAN 59
THE MODERN EMERGENCE OF PHILOSOPHICAL DUALISM.. 61
THE HUMAN AS BODY-ENERGY MINI) 64
ANIMA AND THE LIFE PRINCIPLE 67
THE LIFE PRINCIPLE ??
MAGNETISTS OF THE RENAISSANCE PERIOD 79
DEFWmON OF RENAISSANCE MAGNETISM 7q
ioSf£ A ™ ETIC SYSTEM 0F THE RENAISSANCE
™ IDS 0F REPULSI0N AND ATTRACTION ... 82
HEALING BY MAGNETIC STROKING g2
MAGNETIC FORCE— ANIMAL MAGNETISM 85
FRANZ ANTON MESMER
MEDICAL USES OF MAGNETIC “PLATES”
THE ENERGETIC PHENOMENA OF THE VATS al
THE SOCIAL BACKGROUND REGARDING THE VATS na
SPONTANEOUS SEXUAL ORGASM AT THE VATS It
MESMERIC TRANCES 85
MESMER'S EXPULSION FROM FRANCE on
THE CONTINUING SAGA OF MESMERIC PHENOMENA 1........ 91
REICHENBACH— INVENTOR- INDUSTRIALIST 93
REIC HENBAcirS E^ERI^NTS IN ODIC
ODIC LIGHTS ....
ENERGIES PHOTOGRAPHIC M 1
I IT PHOTOGRAPHY
MBSCHAI. ENERGY PHOTOGRAPHS?
1 Imptm 9:
M» " *» I(N PSYCHICAL RESEARCH 108
AM I < iNISIIING PHENOMENA OF SPIRITUALISM 109
»"’> • HIC FORCE HO
HI- NMATIONS ASSOCIATED WITH THE PSYCHIC FORCE..."..." 113
«KXI 'Al . I ZING ENERGIES OF THE PSYCHIC FORCE 114
MKXUAL ENERGY DISPLAYS DURING SEANCES 115
HSXDALI ZING AROUSAL SIMILARITY OF ANIMAL
M AGNETISM, ODIC FORCE, AND PSYCHIC FORCE 117
• Impter 10:
1 HU 11 INK ENERGY— BIONIC ENERGY 119
"II II KMT DELIBERATE RESEARCH INTO
1 X I JALIZING ENERGIES
I A SEXUALIZING ENERGY
' HU " IN I ENERGY ACCUMULATORS
MM l Al IZING EFFECTS OF ORGONE ENERGY
t'MK Ml M I ETAL TERMINATION OF WILHELM REICH
H PART II
■ THE TREMULOUS PULSATIONS
■ SEEN BY CLAIRVOYANCE
I Imptnr 11:
Pill' VENTING KNOWLEDGE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES ... 133
HIM "i " I ETAL CONDEMNATION OF KNOWLEDGE
«" HUMAN ENERGETICS 133
• N PI' ItIKNCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
I AN ME PARTIALLY DEADENED 136
Mil I XPEUIENCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
I INDER SPECIAL AND ORDINAKY CIRCUMSTANCES .... 137
"SSS OF DUMBING DOW "
™SSS!» osnmi,Mi 13t
=SS c ~«ss' £
SSES ,,ONSBE ™"
ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONS OF THE HUMAN AURA 141
PSYCHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE 145
THE ORIGINAL CONCEPT OF
J*’ S Y CHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE 1 ac
THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE IANGE 14 6
MAJ OR characteristics of
THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE
UNCONSCIOUS CEREBRATION 147
IS PSYCHIC FORCE A FORCE?
TH ^S?, ECT SIMILARITY OF PSYCHIC FORCE 160
TO THE CHINESE CH’I ENERGY . , n
CLAIRVOYANCE— TELESTHESIA 1C „
THE COMPLEX NATURE OF CLAIRVOYANCE
TELESTHESIA AS A FORM OF CLAIRVOYANCE 1ZZZZZ.’ 150
BEYOND CLAIRVOYANCE— LUCIDITY
DEFINITIONS OF LUCIDITY
ABSOLUTE NECESSITY OF CL^RVOYANT FACm TTFQ !«!
™ STRANGE STORY OF lS™ »•
^PER^AR STER LEADBEATER -CLAIEVOYiN ; i ;
SEXUALLY DERIVED CATHEXIS
MM9TI E EMANATIONS OF ANY SUBSTANCE 171
l(t*< I l(l( AL ATMOSPHERES AND FLUIDIC PLASMA 172
Mlf«< 31 .E .1 UICES AND AURAS OF THE SEMINAL FLUID 172
till' TANG I BLE AND EMOTIONAL AURA 172
III *1 Ml. UNDULATING BEAMS, AND
TRANSPARENT EMANATIONS 173
W M \ I HIE AURA SHOULD LOOK LIKE 173
"it m MAN ATMOSPHERE 173
IN IT Nr I' I IISCOVERS THE THERMAL AURA 176
Al 'RAM AN ENERGY FIELDS 177
' hnpter 16 :
1 1 1 1 T NTANGLED MANIFESTATION” 179
MU >AI. ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS 180
' M' ' I'll >NAL ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS 181
MIT roM I 'LEXITY OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS 181
' ' (NERVATIONS OF THE AURA 181
IMI M i RA AS VITAL FORCE LUMINANT 182
till 1 mi ( >PE OF THE COMPLEX AURA ENERGY FIELDS 183
I III m EXISTENCE OF FORMATIVE ENERGY
- Ill ITS FORMED MATTER 184
MVT N KINDS OF AURA INFORMATION SYSTEMS 186
AURA Ml 1 1 ,TI DIMENSIONAL AND RESPLENDENT 186
THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE
OF THE MAHATMAS & EXPERIENCING
THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION
i Imptur 17:
11 IIMONAL EXPERIENCING OF
AURA ENERGY FIELDS 191
VIMI Ml NHING AS A TYPE OF CLAIRVOYANCE 192
villi' SENSING OF SEXUAL VIBRATIONS 192
Mi iM I BASK ' ATI’KIBl ITEM I I IAT ARE UNIVERSAL TO
TIIK HUMAN BEING 193
HMIMJ/INM II'INI T i OK HIT HUMAN BEING 194
DIS ™ C T I0NS between perceiving physicality
i MM ™e sensing of being-essences ... 195
INNER-CORE AWARENESS SYSTEMS
CHILDHOOD CLAIRVOYANCE 7
THE “KIRLIAN” AURA 197
THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE
OF THE MAHATMAS 2Q1
BASIC POWERS OF PERCEPTION
DIFFICULTIES OF GETTING B E YOND THE VISIRT F
CLAIRVOYANCE AS PERCEPTION-EXTENDING 202
FUNCTIONS OF THE HUMAN ENERGETIC SYSTFMQ <>r\A
! r ! un ™ g devices :::: ' 205
luc“ G DEVICE at the
UNANTICIPATED LUCIDITY BEGINS 213
“SoS 0 r of blue ught 213
LUCIDITY BEGINS 214
clairv °yance emerges:::::::::::::::::;;;:
CLAIRVOYANCE OF ZOOMING LIGHT TUBFS RFPTMq 01 ~
VISUAL PERCEPTION OF ACUPUNCTURE 216
LUCIDITY AT WORK OUTSIDE OF THE
COPPER WALL ROOM 221
CLAIRVOYANT PERCEPTION OF THE CHAKRAS
THE KUNDALINI ENERGY CHAKRAS S
™ £^°"5° F ™ E SEXUAUZI.NO (TIAKItAS .I... 225
I HE CHAKRAS ELABORATED VIA THEOSOPHY .Z&l
■NRNGIKS DENSE ENOUGH TO BE VISIBLE
i hnpter 21:
I I WORKS WITHIN THE
I iNTANGLED MANIFESTATION 229
l I" 1 1 H IY OF INTERNAL BODY ORGANS 229
i \ MINING THE HEART VIA LUCIDITY 229
I X \MINING THE INTESTINES VIA LUCIDITY 230
I HAMINING THE BRAIN VIA LUCIDITY 230
EXAMINING THE SPINE VIA LUCIDITY 231
l X 'MINING UNKNOWN NETWORKS VIA LUCIDITY 232
• . V KRY OWN COPPER MIRROR 233
< 'Impter 22:
I I IINING OFF WHAT THE COPPER MIRROR
TURNED ON 235
’III I TING THRESHOLDS OF CLAIRVOYANCE 235
M I N I) KI LTERS BLOCKING CLAIRVOYANCE 235
l Ml DOUBLE PROBLEM OF NOT ENOUGH CLAIRVOYANCE
AND TOO MUCH LUCIDITY 236
I I IKNING LUCIDITY OFF 237
i l'l KIENCING A SIMPLE EXAMPLE
I )F MEDICAL CLAIRVOYANCE 238
' i \ I H VOYANCE OF SEXUALIZING
ENERGIES CONCRETIZES 238
m PART IV
[ “ANATOMT- OF SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
PARAPHERNALIA AND REGALIA OF HUMAN
SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 243
AN ENERGETIC MASTER PLAN? 243
ENERGETIC “VEHICLES” 244
A SPECTRUM OF VITAL LIFE VIBRATIONS 245
ANATOMY OF THE AURA ENERGY FIELDS
SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING
ENERGY PARAPHERNALIA 249
THE CONFLICTS BETWEEN MATERIALISM AND VITALISM 250
A DISTINCTIVE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN
MATERIALISM AND VITALISM 251
ANATOMY OF THE BASIC THREE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS "252
THE FIRST, OR MAIN, SEXUALIZING CHAKRA 253
THE ANAL CHAKRA 254
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MALE AND FEMALE
SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS 254
THE DELICATE CHAKRAS AT THE TIP OF
THE PENIS AND CLITORIS 256
THE MALE AND FEMALE BENDING BEAMS " 257
THE MINUTE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS OF THE THIGHS 258
SEXUALIZING FUNCTIONS OF OTHER ORGANS 260
SEXUALIZING ASPECTS OF HAIR FOLLICLES
AND THE PORES 261
ATTRACTING AND REPELLING SEXUALIZING ENERGIES 262
SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING
ENERGY REGALIA 265
INFORMATION CARRYING ENERGIES 266
PLASTIC-ENERGY CHARACTERISTICS OF
THE SEXUALIZING REGALIA 267
PLASTIC ENERGIES 267
STIMULUS ENERGIES 268
HORNYNESS ENERGIES 268
ENERGETIC MELDINGS 269
SEXUALIZING REGALIA OF THE
BIOLOGICAL FEMALE VERSION 270
SEXUALIZING REGALIA OF THE
BIOLOGICAL MALE VERSION 274
SOME SEXUALIZING ENERGIES OF
BIO-PSYCHIC CHANGELINGS 279
THE ANDROGYNE - “ ' J
THE THREE MAJOR SEXUALIZING ARCHETYPES 281
CLAIRVOYANT EXAMPLES OF THE
THREE SEXUALIZING ENERGIES ^
THE RELATIONSHIP OF HORNYNESS AND
THE DESIRE TO MELD OR BOND /84
THE PROBLEMATICAL NATURE OF MIXES
OF THE THREE SEXUALIZING ENERGY FORMS 286
ENERGETIC COMPLEXITIES TO BE CONSIDERED 288
THE ENERGETIC MELDING FUNCTION
THE DYNAMIC MOTILITY OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS 292
MOTILE ENERGIES AS CARRIERS OF INFORMATION 294
THE EXISTENCE OF ENERGY-INFORMATION 295
INFORMATION-EXCHANGE NATURE OF
THE MALE MELDING TORUS
THE FEMALE MELDING TORQUES f *
GEOMETRIC ENERGY STRUCTURES 299
HUMAN ENERGETICS— A SCIENCE DENIED 301
OCCin TISM AS THE SCIENCE OF ENERGETICS 301
THE ENERGETIC NATURE OF SECRET SOVIET RESEARCH . 302
THE ASIAN ENERGETIC COUNTERPART 304
A CHIEF CHARACTERISTIC OF
WESTERN PSI RESEARCH dU0
SOME HISTORICAL NOTES REGARDING
THE DENIAL OF ENERGETICS IN THE WEST 306
THE UNACKNOWLEDGED NECESSITY OF
THE ENERGETIC COMPONENT —
ENERGETICS-THE BRIDGE TO UNDERSTANDING
SEXUAL AND CREATIVE ENERGIES 309
SUGGESTED READING 311
When Sir Arthur Conan Doyle via Sherlock Holmes commented
that ‘The world is full of obvious things which nobody by any chance
ever observed/’ he had not been counting on people like Ingo Swann.
For while Doyle’s observation is depressingly true in this mis-
begotten timewarp, there are those who, like, Swann, not only notice
but experiment, experience, research, and record their findings.
Sadly, unlike Swann in his painstakingly researched Psychic
Sexuality , most who write about these obvious but by most unobserved
matters fall victim to several stylistic vicissitudes Ingo avoids.
Their writing is dense, troublesome, obscure, becoming part of
the problem it attempts to solve. Or their approach is so over-simplis-
tic, pointing to obvious truths while omitting much of the data that
fleshes them out, that they are readily dismissed as childish.
Swann, by contrast, employs an engaging style while at the same
time drawing on a vast store of data, personal experience, and deep
reflection. He does not ignore the rules of reasoned argument, but in-
stead embues his text with the kind of fluid magnetic power he is eluci-
dating, making his points simultaneously comprehensible and recog-
nizable. As in, “Yeah, I remember that!” Or, “Wow, I wondered what
that was when it happened!”
Swann doesn’t make the common mistake of confusing the menu
with the meal. Instead, he rightly makes the menu function as it should:
a guide to gustatory experience - or, in this particular case - a guide to
Eluding the common trap of pursuing a point merely because it
is trendy, or echoing what everyone in one’s circle already believes,
Swann chooses to observe, record, and think the problem through. He
writes from material that in general supports, explains, expands, deep-
ens, and clarifies matters he has experienced first hand and reflected
deeply upon. In short, he follows the Path of Wisdom, and through his
carefully constructed reflections, makes it accessible to modern under-
In Chapter 12, “Psychic Force as Affluent Substance,” Swann
comments, The only real problem with the whole of this [discussion] is
that modern sciences do NOT admit that this kind of magnetism or
force exists ” He goes on to list a number of characteristics of the force
taken from Spiritualism Answered by Science (1871) by Edward Will-
iam Cox. According to Swann, Cox was the person who coined the now
generally accepted term "psychic,” to refer to psychological abilities that
transcend mechanistic limits.
The list includes three characteristics I particularly want to draw
1 There is a Force proceeding from, or directly associated with,
the human organization. (Read organism, or body structure.)
2 The strength, or power, of the Force is conditional upon the
mental and emotional status of the individual and the individu-
als involved. The Force ‘is sometimes, but rarely, exhibited when
the Psychic is alone. As a rule, the presence of other persons
promotes the operations of the Force.’
3 The Force ‘is materially influenced by the electric and magnetic
conditions of the atmosphere and of surrounding bodies, by heat
and cold, by moisture and dryness, and still more by the ner-
vous conditions of the persons present.’
Here, the most significant aspect not of the psychic alone, but
the spiritual as well is highlighted. He focuses our attention on the
basic Laws of Magic, of ritual and of transcendent consciousness. Upon
reflection, one begins to realize why a social system that promotes and
comprehends the true nature of human potential is so essential to our
well being as spiritual, PSYCHIC, entities who indeed do not live by
| True human consciousness - for that is what is being explored
in Swanns work - is a by-product of community. jNo rugged individual-
ism here! For true consciousness depends on the interplay of a variety
of human organisms coordinated into a harmonious whole.
The psychic envelope (as I term the structure that arises out of
community) created by the linkage of human organic magnetic or psy-
chic force is dependent on its environment. Items such as weather,
climate, season, placement on the planet, and within the constellations
have direct impact on the clarity of any human operation.
The location includes the group and its purpose as they relate
to sun, moon phase, and tide - that is, to the general tone of the mag-
netic flow this vast interlocking, energistic complex takes on in that
It also includes “what time it is” - as Native Americans put it.
I hut is, the time/space continuum - which to the Native American phi-
losophy is a time-space never ending enfoldment-unfoldment- multidi-
mensional helical interaction - and which is critical to all transactions
Minong and within all communities in the universe. (Again, everything
depends on everything else, and nothing can act in isolation or indepen-
dence outside of the infinite/eternal confluence of energies-forces-intel-
K If any of these aspects of the grid is off balance or out of tune,
either nothing, something unexpected, or things unlovely and down-
i Ight evil will be generated by this link.
L In other words, garbage in, garbage out; love and beauty in,
love and beauty out; plenty in, plenty out; peaceful in, peaceful out -
mid so forth. As one of the basic occult texts of the tradition instructs:
For as ye sow, so shall ye reap;” “Sow the wind, inherit the whirlwind;”
and “By their fruits [results] shall ye know them.”
L So various American Indian Peoples hold that “All life is a circle,
miuI everything within it is connected." That is what they mean by the
evocation “All my relatives.”
In traditional American Indian languages, the sacred (that is,
i he higher, integral energy field) which practitioners manipulate in ritual
manner, is known variously as “orenda”, “iyanyi", “hobomak", “manitou”,-|f
and so forth.
In their study of magnetic fields in New England, James Mavor
and Byron Dix compare “manitou" to the ancient Chinese geomantic
practice called “feng shui.”
They write that Manitou appears to be “inseparable from
K<*omancy, the concept of the world as a place where all activities and
objects, both in the natural and supernatural domains, are connected
in some subtle manner. (Geomancers believe that the natural order can
be sensed, and tuned into by traditional practices.” [See: Mavor, James
W & Dix, Byron E.: Manitou: The Sacred Landscape of New England s
\ative Civilization. Rochester, Vermont: Inner Traditions International,
1998, pp. 330-331.]
ir oc-^/v '< S
Native peoples’ philosophical systems have long assumed that
I lit* use of this power, this “orenda,” “hozho”, “hobomak”, or “iyanyi,”
ibis “manitou,” is subject to certain laws: for example, that it doesn’t
Jwork for loners, except as negative sorcery Vthe sort that blights, dis-
torts, and destroys.
In his book The Manitous: The Spiritual World of the OjibwayStM
[New York: Harper Collins, 1995, p. 242], Basil Johnston, the noted
Anishinabeg (Ojibway) scholar, defines manitou. He gives characteris- H
tics of “Mystery, essence, substance, matter, supernatural spirit, anima, J
quiddity, attribute, property, God, deity, godlike, mystical, incorporeal, A
transcendental, invisible reality.” /fl
The community use of manitou, orenda, iyanyi, hozho, etc., that
is, of geopsychic energy, however, results in an almost infinite variety of
positive results, many chronicled in reports on spiritual events in In-
dian Country by travelers, antiquarians, anthropologists and mission-
aries. Just about all of these both misunderstood what they saw and,
either horrified or disbelieving, mischaracterized it.
But there are those who have got it right. One such source ito\
provided by Peggy V. Beck (anthropologist) and Anna Lee Walters (Otoe\|
Pawnee writer) in their book The Sacred: Ways of Knowledge, Sources \
of Life[ Tsaile, Navajo Nation: Navajo Community College Press, 1971; l 1
pp. 41-42]. f
One of the many intriguing and points they make (in their study
of American Indian systems of the sacred) highlights the means by which
these geopsychic, spiritual energies are used to benefit all life.
f ‘The expression we are using to describe this power of prayer
"dancd and song-chant] and the concentration brought to an idea or
thought by a lot of people at the same timethinking and praying for the
same thing - is ‘collective mindfulness”’ they write. “One is mindful
when one is aware, respectful, careful.” Beck and Walters provide ex-
amples of this ‘collective mindfulness’, and include prayers given by
native speakers, such as this, from a Winnebago officiant: \
. . . Ancestors, we greet you, we greet you!
You who sit around me here, we relatives, we greet you again.
Soon the dance song will start up and we will try to dance and sing as
did the Indians of old in the beginning.This was always an Indian cer-
emony and, in the old days, everything was done with the greatest of
care and circumspection. ... all who were present had been blessed by
the spirits. . . . When it was time to begin the dance song, all arose and
danced. (Beck and Walters, pp. 41-42).
■ As so much of this has crucial matter has been known for so
long, in so many civilizations, why don’t contemporary authorities en-
I , mirage all of us together to do whatever we do “with greatest care and
' 1 1 rt 'll inspection?”
/ Why not join in patterned, focused attention on psychic ener-
that surround us, and manipulate them harmoniously for the planet
•nil humanity’s greater good? Maybe in that way we could transform
it,., hostile, ■-< ^ve been
The question must arise: Who benefits from the world-wide
transformation of essentially Life-making force-energy into that which
U ho powerfully negative that even the air can’t survive its assault.
V n PSYCHIC SEXUALITY, Swann explores many of the rea-
tons why knowledge of basic life-enhancing processes is denied even
nrohibitedAHe suggests that should “we, the people’ ever learn how to
consciously amplify and utilize the psychic force that flows through us
nnd through all that is, then all bets are off.
W Talk about power! Imagine paradigm shift!
■ I venture to say that the deepest cause behind most of the war,
|M»verty, disease, and phenomena both too vast and too subtle to quite
romprehend, is lust for power.
% f Distortion of human-cum-planetary psychic force by oppression,
repression, and suppression of our creative energy is the means by which
w.. are locked out of our creative power.^ .
1 By distortion of creative urges, and chief among them being our
..wn sexuality, we are prevented from making full use of the malien-
i,| ilo rights” given us by “God” and “Nature’s God” in order to secure the
blessings of liberty with and for all the people of the world.
For one thing, without the vital Life-making force that nour-
iHhes sexual and all creative energies, no one could get “turned on, no
community could be formed, no learning could take place, and nothing
W ° U More than carbon, oxygen, nitrogen and hydrogen, that which
brings them into harmonious relation is the essential ingredient of all
I hut is - organic or inorganic, animal, vegetable, or mineral connecting
all that is into “All my relatives” as a fact, not a pious wish.
How is it the poet Dylan Thomas named that energy: that
Im> a I lull ilrtvnn I ha granny flower"?
ln«o probe* into muny of the causes of officialdom’s mindfuck:
ii I H, i I" down to who’s to have power. Since about 1769 the industrial
. ivlh/ulionH of the Western world have, by regulating human creative
energies, attempted to change, by-pass, kill, or obliterate the obvious in
the name of Progress; in the name of Empire; in the name of vested
interests both religious and secular; in the name of science as only ma-
terialism; in the name of formalism and uniformitarianism.
Now comes Ingo Swann, just in time to make best use of the
energetic potential of what time it is. In the 1970s, he published 7b Kiss
Earth Good-bye , then went on to train a group at the heart of the beast
- rubbing its nose, as it were, in the Obvious. Eventually his efforts
resulted in their liberation - which each presently explores in their own
He offers Psychic Sexuality , a work that will help widen a path
of reclaiming information about the Obvious; at least the publication of
this work gives us a fighting chance to survive the smoggy pollution
that obscures the radiant vitality of all this is.
Given half a chance, the human spirit - that is, the human or-
ganization or organism - harmonized with the time and the spirit of the
time, with the vast magnetic interlocking quaternary of Great Wheels,
will break free from its chains.
Together knowing more of the magnetic interlocking, we might
exit the deep cave we’ve been mucked about in for far too long, and
abandon our fascination with the chimerical shadows that masquerade
Read Psychic Sexuality. Ponder it. Make its observations part
of your experience, always remembering we are all part of one another.
Observe the Obvious - the fruits, the effects of our efforts on ourselves
and all our relatives, the change in you that entails the change in me
and them and all of it everywhere. Find out what time it is, how the
energies flow, and set sail. Begin now - and may the Force be with you.
Paula Gunn Allen
[PAULA GUNN ALLEN, Ph.D. is Professor of English, Ameri-
, .... Indian Studies, and Creative Writing at UCLA. She is spiritual
and Matron of Oak Clan (Laguna Pueblo, New Mexico); an
■ward winning scholar and writer; author of The Sacred Hoop: Recou-
, n ,,g the Feminine in American Indian Tradition s\ a novel entitled The
Hi, man Who Owned the Shadows. Recent publications include: bong
,d the Turtle: American Indian Literature 1974- 199% Life is a Fatal
Disease: Collected Poems 1968-1995, and Off the Reservation: Reflec-
tions from a Border-Crossing, Boundary -Busting Loose Canon, 1998.]
tKp tonic of SEX IS composed of a
* A. m-. Pi- 7/j7Xt U de* of subsidiary topics bound to-
■ |MM f ..ru-ioted activities.
K^t »rr.iv ..I «* . n ed bv that mysterious
* — v«y »e,
_r cr» rnmolcx that it
An.Hl...r permanent aspect is ^^^^nds oT humans can
Wt** "" " l ‘‘:; r '^'hRe lwcrful intellectual ideas arise and
fcs: :r ss;ss - ** of sex
^••1*.- mII ' nil virus and in all generations.
her permanent factor ^ rtunng'th^ inflow of knowledge
Sfo^ *** is — d v,a in “
f nlml tupenencing of sex and
E . . ::: ZZZ. ^ ****“> •* tor ■ ure>
|MaM.«uab.v eM*eriem»ng. , , confounding but won-
«*5rr: ^:;x:rr ^ ^
* , , h nrihl»d. 0n ™^“ Ct,Vltle8a ” dc0ntortions
^ eret 7 d th,t here »a» a
rr ^ 5
»»■ IV»,|u,.ntly m"“l"toi h |'h,“I^2‘^' < * he totellectual
library 1 bad — ul— a rathe, large
iea of them. a,,w ‘ lh «“ k-nde ofaexual activities and various stud-
a plethoWn^ ^u&^i ib ' r S°" h ‘' d ^ “P. and
and, these more or le s emulaTed thf avaUabl «' B « i- the
bef - -
tual studies of sexual ‘ “ W Was broadl P “»* «•
between. g 1 ener Pes remained few and far
knowledge^ sexual » itb »*« «.
viou s reason for this is that the topic of huma^en ? 1 ^ 6 ^ ° ne ° b ‘
etlir ed ° r Z g Tol\^
ntatt eoett”.; £Z T" f ™ ° f h “-
existence of such energies. f 1 based on the real, virtual
to comprehend ZTIStare o^the Tant^ 0 ™^' 0 ^ 3016 ^ attem P ts
consist of many differentiate™* J u "f *** 8nd crafts - and which
monly treated in the West. eS ‘ des the sexual ones more com-
upon which refers to “a loom"
ments of balanced sexuality, creativity
•i ml objectives, and the attainment of six super-human faculties.
Most Asian texts stipulate the real existence of intangible, in-
visible energies that download into material representation and affects.
Hi* Thinese have long referred to these energies as Chi, while the Ch’i
disciplines advocate understanding and working with, not against, those
m Basic knowledge of such energies downloads from pre-antiq-
Hlly sources usually referred to as shamanistic, and in this sense some
kind of operational knowledge regarding invisible energetics is found
mi most pre-modern cultures world-wide.
■ With regard to the modern West, most will not really be aware
( I ) that the study of invisible human energetics really needs to flower
into existence, and (2) that it does not enjoy accepted existence because
societal forces have suppressed it.
As mentioned, the precise reasons for the suppression are vague
•Mid mysterious. But vivid, and awesome, elements of the societal sup-
pression can be recovered from historical aspects usually deleted from
conventional histories, and it is a full part of this book to recover a
sampling of those elements.
But additionally, if the invisible energies do exist, as the an-
cient Eastern texts hold, then they are universal to our species and as
•uch will constantly be encountered even by those not knowledgeable
ii bout their existence.
Such energies, including sexualizing energies, were encountered
in modern psychical research. But they were concealed from popular
knowledge because organized psychical research evolved smack in the
middle of Victorian attitudes about sex, including even deleting the term
from proper discourse.
Then there is the matter of clairvoyance via which invisible,
intangible energies can be sensed or seen. It is with this matter of
psychic clairvoyance that a large proportion of this book proceeds.
There are many misunderstandings regarding clairvoyance, a
i a! her recent term, but the phenomena of which are entirely consistent
wil h the long history from the earliest forms of shamanism to the present:
sensing or seeing invisible energies and their relationship to all other
more concrete factors.
••xpluined without studying and incomo 8 ? 6 ^ neither can b«.
at least, creativity and ZVr oL^Z7sel7 ^ ^ “ 80016
because their energetic activation needs SSS^JSSS^ ^
deliberate cultivatfo^Theya^ve^ broadJ^’ h °^ ever , seldom needs
speak, among all humans, and sensed as dS tT f® “ raW ’” 80
•oral, and moral circumstances. dl8t| nct from physical, behav-
energies may reS h »^X!|^^ r J , e atio11 ° f ’°* and creati ™ I
oM. eB ; ‘r
-gies -—I en-
kinds of energies. e °° r to studies of many other
Green Stilts, *'' * *. Elmer
take par. in a par.ieular ly ,„.ere 8 .i„g -££££*?"* *»
Green, «* aad -worker, Dr. Alyce
the realm of researching brainwave ^ dur ' ng the 1970s in
ing faculty.” ofeedback and “the image-mak-
back training ma“y SET fiaW * Weed-
sciousness. The use of biofeedback to-hn ^ e ° hatlCe 8tates of c °n-
gaining voluntary cent™, over many phyeLTaTp!^
ted to di^. G r«”il W C3S and *“>* d “°- *% oommit-
nomena and states, f ° Ut con8clous ness and its many phe-
UniveJ^r^^t^^Altr^r - the
in counseling and creativity. She Lr
limning in psychotherapy, and had been the first president of the Abso
M int ion of Transpersonal Psychology.
The Greens had established at Menninger a research facility
• «.(. rred to as the “Voluntary Controls Program.” The work of the Pro-
ton in focused on the alpha-theta brainwave biofeedback process, and
wmi at first funded primarily by the National Institutes of Mental Health
H), constituting very high societal approval and support.
I Research progress led to encounters and wonderment regard-
ing physical energies and fluctuating states of consciousness. So within
i In* Voluntary Controls Program, in 1983 the Greens incorporated a
Physical Fields and States of Consciousness” research project.
The concept of “physical fields” refers to field-like magnetic and
magnetic functions that interpenetrate the physical body and
ii I so extend outward from it.
H « |l
ft Within the physical fields project, the Greens and their co- work-
ms conceptualized a very curious and extraordinary research direction
referred to as ‘The Copper Wall Project.” It was in this project that I
d to act as an experimental subject.
Because they are quite complicated and require copious back-
n.ound information, details of the Copper Wall experiment will be com-
pletely described in chapter 18.
But generally speaking, the Copper Wall experiment incorpo-
rated large sheets of copper constructed into an environmental surround
within which an individual sits.
There were two expectations. The first was that the energies
radiating from the human body would impact with the copper walls
which were hooked into sensitive equipment to detect the impacts. The
second consisted of the expectation that the copper surround would act
in ways that might stimulate and increase extraordinary states of aware-
ness and consciousness.
H The idea of INCREASING awareness and expanding conscious-
ness is not new or unusual, of course. On its surface, the idea is attrac-
tive and widely discussed, for the prospect has to do with unlocking
human potentials. Thus, the idea seems logical, and is one that might
be pursued with enthusiasm.
- But just beneath the glowing surface aspects of the idea exists
a rather curious history o! mainstream societal repression that is quite
difficult to explain, and which has hardly ever been opened up for in-
In part explanation, though, let us identify what might be a
strategic reason. What might be perceived, via conditions of increased
awareness and expanded states of consciousness, certainly will differ
from what might be perceived via average, or conventional, conditions
So although the general idea of increasing awareness and con-
sciousness seems logical and attractive, there is the matter of what re-
alities will be perceived if indeed such enhancement does happen.
Here is something apparently quite problematical to all major
societal concerns, especially if they are founded upon states of aware-
ness and consciousness developed only in accord with the conventional
Since most social structures are quite rooted in conventional
parameters of awareness and perception, if one begins to think about
what might be involved, any increases of them automatically have soci-
Most will recognize this kind of situation, of course. But it needs
particularly to be pointed up that all forms of psychic perceptions en-
counter difficulties in this regard. Most forms of psychic awareness
and perceptions can easily be said to constitute perceptual increases
beyond the conventional average.
As it was back in 1989, I sat in the copper wall environment
twice a day for five working days, each session consisting of forty-five
minutes. Exceptional dynamic forms of consciousness, and awarenesses
appropriate to them, gradually began manifesting.
This was very confusing at first. But over time it could gradu-
ally be concluded that the whole consisted of perceptions of various kinds
of energies normally invisible to conventional perceptions.
With continuous exposure to this kind of thing, the energies
could be isolated into many overlapping, but reasonably separate cat-
egories, with three of them seeming to be major:
Sexualizing energies; Creative energies; And energies having
to do wit h various kinds of human power.
m This book, of course, constitutes an extended consideration of
the sexualizing energies, the importance of which has been quite
strangely treated by societal concerns, especially those of the modern-
B At this point, it must clearly be stated that in no way was the
Voluntary Controls Project at Menninger, or the copper wall experiments,
•••'I up to enhance perception of sexual energetics. Nor did the design or
Hon Is of the experiment have any foreseen or expected sexual concomi-
i ants in the minds of anyone involved - including myself.
In explanation here, if we abide by the conventional concept
that sexuality has a lower-order status and spiritual matters have a
lugher-order one, then the Greens and their co-workers were entirely
representative of the latter, and in very wonderful ways.
■ But when, on my part alone, the exceptional types of awareness
i ommenced, they gradually went from (1) what might be expected (such
iik enhanced seeing of auras around physical bodies) to (2) what was
totally unexpected, especially the perception of DYNAMIC energetics
associated with creative and sexual activity.
I Part IV of PSYCHIC SEXUALITY comprises my tale of encoun-
tering various aspects of the dynamic sexual energies - and which are of
•inch a nature as to test even the most vivid powers of fantasy.
I Indeed, so fantastic might the dynamic sexual energies seem
that I would not make an attempt to present them herein unless cor-
roborative and substantiating historical background could be located.
r Thus, under the rubric of “tremulous pulsations," I review this
background as Part I of this book in order to partially reconstruct a -p
larger panorama what is apparently involved regardin^nergetics not C] I ■
generally visible within the limited scope of conventional perceiving. J
| This background history can be traced to many cultures in an-
tiquity. But I enter into it during the Renaissance period, which some
historians indicate as the early beginning of what later came to be known
as the modern scientific age.
There is an advantage to entering into the history at the Re
naissance point Not only does the research topic of human energetics
become identifiable*, but societal repressions of that research are quite
One of the detriments of the history is that in the modernist
West the topics of sex and sexuality became increasingly taboo during
the eighteenth cent ury, and the taboo slopped over into the nineteenth.
Most of the general history we depend on in any official main-
stream sense was compiled by eighteenth-century historians, who, be-
cause of the taboo attitudes, bleeped open and frank references to sex
from their volumes. Thus, except as they pertain to the procreation of
family lines, the conventional historical overviews from antiquity on-
ward are sex-less.
This has made it very difficult to recover information about how
sex and sexuality were treated in earlier times, and in different cul-
But outside of the pall of conventional modern histories, enough
has been recovered by intrepid researchers to indicate that sexualizing
energies (as contrasted to physical sexual behavior) were acknowledged
as existing in antiquity.
It is also quite well established that what we today would call
psychic sexuality was often treated as having ceremonial, cathexis, and
CATHEXIS refers to a ceremonial investment of libdinal en-
ergy in a person, object or idea.
| Perception of energetics, invisible to conventional awareness,
requires that human organisms possess faculties to sense or to “see’
them, faculties that can become functional or awakened under various
circumstances. This kind of “seeing’’ has been scooped into the general
category called CLAIRVOYANCE. ^
That term is a rather recent one, having many nuances not
immediately apparent. I utilize Part II to sort through several of the
nuances, thereby hoping to establish a wider comprehension of what is
involved regarding the wonders of clairvoyance.
I utilize Part III to present a picture of what happened to me in
general as a result of sitting in the copper wall environment during
which lucidity, a super form of clairvoyance, turned on - and why ex
t inordinary measures were soon required to turn it off.
1 1 1 K BIO-PSYCHIC “ANATOMY” OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
^ \ V ^ v 1^
Sc>CA. Ov— V
B Chapter 1
I TH E UNIVERSALITY OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
W Human sexuality has very many facets, faces, and nuances. The
Mull* of these constitute a collective phenomenon that is monumen-
tal v complex in its contexts and dimensions.
m Thus, the exceedingly complex nature of human sexuality does
IM'I iMisily lend itself to simplified understanding — except in rather gross
Iff him which themselves often increase confusions instead of sorting
out or making it possible to grasp the whole of what is involved.
■ The topic of human sexuality is also very dynamic and charis-
mm<< •• and this places it among the few topics that have enduring high
iiHnrvat and fascination in almost all levels of life.
■ Indeed, during the modern period many thousands of books have
tarn produced exposing to print various data, statistics, theories, and a
IMilc assortment of factors which, in some respect, can be associated
With sexuality-based dynamics.
V FOUR CONVENTIONAL APPROACHES TO
^B THE EXAMINATION OF SEXUALITY
m The general topics of sex and sexuality have suffered extensive
HMilimions by having been taboo for a number of centuries preceding
•!»«■ modernist period. Indeed, it became possible only about a hundred
mom ago to open somewhat organized examinations of sexuality.
B For the most part during this period, human sexuality overall
hn» * ended to be officially considered within only four general catego-
I What might be called the clinical way is derived from the struc-
| tural anatomy of the two sexes.
V The psychological way which tends to discuss sexuality as be-
.1 Social approaches to sexuality are very likely to discuss it via
I modes of moral and ethical precepts — and which differ from
culture to culture, and even among smaller social groupings.
4 Sexuality can hIho be studied via its “erotic splendors” express
in some kind of representational form in the arts, music, an
While elements of the four categories briefly enumerated a
can be inter mixed, societal forces tend to keep them separate, and
each of them tends to be limited by static mindset boundaries that of
ten preclude any inter-mixing.
The four categories, however, have a factor in common, in th
they establish generalizing contexts that tend to obviate or ignore wha
individuals dynamically experience. Indeed, what individuals dynami
cally experience is often at odds with the general, non-dynamic param
eters of each of the conventional categories.
Thus, while the contexts of the four categories are interesting
enough as far as they go, the individual doesn’t benefit very much from
them in terms of their own dynamic experiencing.
THE AVOIDED ISSUE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
While it might not be the case among all individuals, it is pos-
sible to suggest that they do not, in the FIRST instance, experience
sexuality as anatomical, behavioral, or morally, but rather as dynamic
energies that have sexuality concomitants.
Indeed, of all the many human activities DRIVEN by “ener-
gies,” sexual energies seem not only to be the most powerful, but the
most universally shared by all individuals of our species.
How the energies are interpreted AFTER experiencing them is
a matter that does not particularly pertain to the essential existence of
the energies themselves.
If the foregoing is considered, it would appear that there can be
a fifth existing category via which human sexuality can be considered.
This would be a category of sexual energies, or sexual energetics, but
which category is seldom examined.
That a category identified as “sexual energies” does indeed ex-
ist can be made clear by the following consideration.
If humans possessed sexual equipment, or sexual response sys-
lMl d if the sexual equipment was not or never ENERGIZED, then
..| matters would never come to anyone’s attention.
Indeed, even if the existence of the sexual whatever was known,
would know what it was for in the absence of energization.
In this sense, then, it can be considered that sexualizing ener-
pn- exist any subsequent manifestation of sexuality, whetherthe
,U manifestation be anatomical, behavioral, or is subjected to
So for the purposes of this book, we can more or less leave be-
,| conventional categories, and focus pnncipaUy on the energy
»rv There are plenty of sources in the modem world that discuss
lily in the light of the conventional categories, but extremely few
discuss it in the light of the basic energetics of the sexualizing
■ PRE-MODERN CONCEPTS OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
■ An historical overview establishes that most pre-modern soci-
d id incorporate what might be called energetic aspects or precepts
"Tnd^TSS^t societies elevated the sexualizing
Cril l... to the status of demi gods and goddesses-and see-n to have done ^
*, fully aware that they represented not beings per se, but different
kind* of archetypal energies. , —
J One of the ironies of the modern world is that alfhough the demi
and goddesses have been relegated to the realm of unfounded mjrth
J, *ii|H*rstition, the energizing archetypes are still recognized and uti-
For example, the Venus and Mars sexual archetypes-which
about everyone today still recognizes as the principal embodiments
..I li.ininine and masculine energies.
■ Beyond that simplicity, people SENSE andtor FEEL sexualiz-
log energies, and in fact identify and describe them as such.
V I ndeed, in both pre-modern history and today, sexualizing ene
-l,. H are described as fields, beams, coils, intrusions, radiances, engu
.nu ..urns, impacts, energies, touches, el ^ tric ^
and etc., all of which have more or less TANGIBLE substance.
SEXUAL ENERGIES AS TANGIBLE “SUBSTANCES”
While it is exceedingly difficult to define what these tangible
substances consist of, they none the less stimulate some kind of sexual-
‘zing responses in those who experience them, even if the response tends
to be confusing.
Now, it must be pointed up that there is nothing strange about
any of this.
Most take it on board and deal with the whole of it the best way
they can. It is even safe to say that most people, to some degree anyway,
would not live without it.
In fact, without experiencing some kind of sexualizing energet-
ics, most would not consider themselves completely alive.
And that somewhat represents the unofficial status quo regard-
ing sexualizing energies. Although the status quo has no official plat-
form, it will none the less be found unofficially endorsed at the indi-
vidual experiential level— and this universally so among the millions
and millions, no matter their socio-cultural parameters.
THE STRANGE SOCIETAL AVOIDANCE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
However, an element of strangeness begins to enter in when it
is realized that the real existence of sexual energies is seldom included
in the conventional line-up of sexual phenomena.
This is to say that the phenomena of the conventional line-up
are officially accepted, while the very real existence of omnipresent
sexual energies perpetually experienced by each individual human is l 1
not officially accepted.
And, as will be discussed ahead, the strangeness takes on height-
ened intensity because of a peculiar factor — a factor that, itself, is
strongly avoided by most societal mainstreams.
This factor comes to light where it can be shown that any at-
tempts, in modern terms, to research sexualizing energetics, and thus
to make their existence official, are socially and actively condemned.
Exactly WHY research into sexualizing energetics is put down
is something of a mystery.
Yet another form of strangeness definitely enters in when it
t hot clairvoyants, sensitives, psychics and healers can, among
Hlttei 1' Midi of energies, perceive at least some formats of the sexualiz-
When perceived, such energies are then given description by
Ht« • Imii voyants that more or less correspond to what ordinary people
■Dly jmhi' . r feel in distinctly tactile ways — although the psychic descrip-
tion* >n4 usually and wonderfully elaborated with colors, textures,
*1 lights, and various other nuances.
Like sexualizing energetics, however, the realm of psychic en
•Het ln> mid perceptions does not enjoy any official socio-cultural ac-
• • pi uni e, or in some cases not even slightly amenable toleration.
Ituliinl, the arising of organized psychical research in 1882 (and later
•!• vchology) was aggressively treated and stigmatized by official
The sociological hoopla surrounding mainstream condemnation
I’m wiih sometimes tremendous, and led to the official disenfranchise-
mh lit ul any kind of Psi research.
f The overall result of all this socio-cultural denial has established
Hu I Hidings of any kind of Psi researchers in a negative light — no mat-
how careful, real and relevant those findings might be — and thus
topic of Psi is still considered taboo within our contemporary main-
ii in sciences and philosophies.
The cumulative findings of the Psi researchers thus remain as
iqumlea of rejected knowledge within the contemporary societal main-
P ox reyec^A
c -X\ps uleo o | reyc
EARLY RESEARCH CONTEXTS REGARDING
Research into sexualizing energetics, however, inadvertently
(••gun about three centuries before the inauguration of organized psy-
• In* ul research in 1882. Although the two kinds of research occasion-
til h coincided thereafter, the former more or less has acquired its sepa-
Mile history as^apsules of rejected knowledge. /
A review of that background history at least makes for interest-
ing tragic-comic, and often quite hilarious reading. But its different
• P«h Ii8 also serve as revealing background not only as regards social
ii instance to sexualizing energetics, but to the field of human energet-
ics ns a whole.
I lu> hiatory of the rejected knowledge involving human ener-
getics began during the Renaissance.
I Ins was n period when there were still important functional
distinctions between inanimate and animate energy, and between the
body-mind concept and the body-energy-mind concept.
Modern concepts along these lines differ from the earlier ones
and so we would be in error in applying contemporary understandings
So, as a full part of the rejected history, and in order to achieve
a more near authentic background, it is necessary to reestablish cer-
tain definitions and meanings as would have been in use back then.
The reader might at first think that doing so is far afield from
the present context of psychic sexuality. But it will illuminate a lot of
factors, and bring us very much closer to the entire contexts of sexualiz-
INANIMATE ENERGY— ANIMATE ENERGY
With the title of this chapter, we encounter a/' m ix of topics so
•£lMHively complicated that even partially conceptualizing them will
WMHiire reserves of patience.] But these topics are entirely relevant to
IMtiiilizing energies, and so untangling them is necessary to achieve a
l*»i ifrr framework for understanding much that is to follow.
B. For openers, it is not only important hut necessary to state that
• 11 hough the modern sciences do distinguish the inanimate (the non-
living) from the animate (the living), no such distinction is made re-
coiling inanimate ENERGY and animate ENERGY.
B But if such distinction was made, we would once more, as we so
"li on do, encounter the modernist distinctions of the acceptable scien-
• • lie find the unacceptable unscientific.
■ Inanimate energy would fall into the scientific category, and
roughly speaking, animate energies would fall into the unscientific cat-
B This difficulty, peculiar to the modern scientific age, was not
•ilwnys the case.
V THE PRIMITIVE IDEA OF THE “LIFE FLUID”
I Most pr e^ modern societies held vivid concepts regarding ani-
iniiting energies. But as the modern scientific period advanced, such
• onc epts were de valued as primitive and naive, an d hence as unse jen-
I As but one example of the primitive “naivete,” as revealed in
••nrly anthropology studies, is that “the Life" was flatly identified with
in energetic animating “fluid" akin to breath or blood, but invisible or
ethereal and rather more fiery.
As it was later and often put by early modern critics of the "fluid,”
t he “etherealization of Life” naively culminated in the view that Life IS
nn energy-like fluid, but one that is assigned no properties other than
. cjc\*y> - r€VeccA-^cA
r :„. . • . ( \ i A C l' . P Art V i I . I f
l ' ’ ~ ' \ i •>
its power of animating an organism'' U^\SC\o\uuc I
C°-\tx \oAT) I
|,h| H “primitive" idea more or less required the existence olan- I
other format of energy, a Life principle, in addition to the energies that I
could be derived from inanimate matter. This primitive concept ran I
counter to the modern sciences after they became infused with the phi- I
losophy of materialism. I
Thus, without much in the way of deeper examinationihe primi- I
live concept of an energetic Life principle independent of matter was A
hastily relegated to the unscientific category 4-a little too hastily, per- ? |
a n y 1 n d i cation ° SClent,flC advances in the late twentieth century are I
fluid had SUght C °" fusio " in a11 this haa to d o with the idea that the I
ISM But , n K 0 rrr ? h u r than ltS POWer of animatin 8 AN ORGAN. I
also needed ?if d ^ P ° Wer of ammatin K an organism, it FIRST I
.Iso needed to have the power of seizing upon and organizing inani- I
mate matter INTO the format of the organism. I
However, when science became trenchantly based in material- I
to^’ave assumed that the Life principle existed it would be found I
to have a material origin, not an ethereal one. I
had iatf 1 " an J. event ’ by the turn of the century the modern sciences I
had jettisoned into the unscientific category the whole of this indepen. I
dent Life principle thing, especially the concept of the ethereal. I
But if the sciences were successful in achieving this, an entire I
new set of problems and confusions emerged. It shortly became quite I
difficult to explain invisible energies whose existence could not be^on I
firmed by direct material observation, but could be confirmed by deduc-
“thouvhM n r«n X ? mPle “r ,V6d thC historical| y accepted phenomenon of
through ill enCe ( t6r renamed as “telepathy”) across space and
through intervening material barriers.
Indeed the thought-transference phenomenon was an insult to
One of the results of dumping the fluid Life principle and .c-
kpanying ethereality, was that the entire scenario involving all am-
■INting energies was first marginalized, and then also dumped.
K The only factor left was the general idea that life forms are am-
|if e forms. But this was a residual descriptive contrivance only,
Imping no scientific substance otherwise.
B THE MODEL OF MECHANISTIC “WORK” ENERGIES
I The concept of “mechanistic energies” generally filled in the
vacuum left by the jettisoned animating energies, even in the so-called
Life sciences. . . ... .
| The materialistic sciences indeed proved their worthiness by
developing, via physics and chemistry, those energies into the stellar
1 . 1 ..I vivid heights of technological wonders of the Modern Age.
Energies, as mechanistic, became the model for how energy ot
•n v kind was to be considered and conceptualized. A brief review of the
involved here is not only interesting in itself, but somewhat
... . .mBary with regard to many animating energetic aspects to be pre-
| The very great English mathematician and natural philosopher,
Hlr Isaac Newton (1642-1727), summarized his discoveries in terres-
i muI and celestial mechanics in a lengthy tract published in 1687.
The tract was a compilation of mathematical principles of "natu-
ml philosophy”— later being dubbed as “physics.”
In Newtonian mechanics, energy was conceptualized as “a prop-
erly of moving masses.” e ,
But at some point in the later 1700s, the definition of energy
underwent various changes, and, by the late 1800s, ended up being
defined simply as “the ability or capacity to do work. *
Although this definition of energy is brief, it immediately calls
for an explanation of WORK itself, and of another important factor.
that of power.
As noted in many encyclopedias, “in the strict physical sense,
work is performed only when a force is exerted on a body while the body
moves at the same time in such a way that the force has a component in
i he direction of motion.” jn turn, POWER is defined as the rate at
which work is performed.”
MAJOR SOURCES OF MECHANISTIC ENERGY
• Energy of rotation
Energy of orbital motion
• Nuclear reactions
• Internal heat of stars
Terrestrial waste heat
Cosmic microwave radiation
lower levet. Tta n C.mic t r ergy T"!! "°" a from higher *>
as the ultimate heat sink." In XTwordr k thTsiNK aillat ' 0n ‘‘ deflned
ultimate in e„e w do g rad.t,on with no iower
mechanical motion of bodie^j^ rmed “ S enBBr **
Moving now to the term ENERGETIC, it is easy to see why
will understand it to mean “marked by energy, operating with
* Igor <»r effect 1 '— with VIGOROUS being a good synonym.
ENERGIZE is defined as “to impart energy to, so as to make
• ncrgetic or vigorous.”
It is to be noted that the term ENERGETICS is not found in a
number of respectable sources. If it appears at all, its meaning is usu-
ally given as “a branch of mechanics that deals primarily with energy
nml its transformations.”
f Now, to point up a necessary observation. As defined and de-
.«• i lin'd above, in the scientific sense ENERGY is fundamentally associ-
m« «l only with inanimate phenomena (although as sources of kinetic
PiM'igy some animate resources can be transformed into work.)
Direct observation can easily establish that animate life forms
lire marked by potential work energy, often operating with vigor or ef-
fort, and sometimes can forcefully exert power.
\ Referring to the list given above regarding scientifically recog-
nized forms of energy, it can be assumed that animate life forms can be
affected by any one or all of the forms of energy given. But effected only
AFTER they have become an animate life form.
It is true that the listed forms of energy-cum-sources can, so to
speak, animate WORK. But what about the nature of the energies that
animate the life-forms that utilize the work?
( The essential difficulty here is that in the sense of the scien-
ttfic, i he modern West has on ly one major definition for energy — the
rap acity for doing work. \
w ^ Additionally, that definition can be extended a little in that the
capacity for doing work is seen as power forcefully exerted.
However, in the scientific sense these definitions for the most
part apply to objective mechanistic factors external to the human.
Even though the terms ENERGY and POWER are applied to
the human in a popular sense, the human is filled, so to speak, not so
much with mechanistic energies, but with animating energies.
These animating energies are not served very well by the mecha-
nistic definitions of energy/power. So difficulties arise that are ambigu-
ous and not a little confusing.
SEXUALITY AS BEHAVIOR?
Ah but one example of such a confusion, the nature of sexual
Z £ eon T Cingly be deecribed “ rustic
- “ aUSe eVe " th8 m ° St intellectuall y challenged
tt A c.^Lrofr u ”i a Ltr the w ,dea ° f Mxuai — *■ *
, the ==
“■ that human s “ u j
5o^ SC \ t rJCcb y
that the A h,S be . reviewed fa the chapter, this definition suggested
L Modern discussion of reductive behaviorism, however, began
w.ll. the work of John Broadus Watson (1878-1958), the American psy-
. ImlogiBt generally credited with originating the modern school of psy-
chology called behaviorism.
\ Watson aimed to establish psychology as a science. He held that
ItwiiuHe states of consciousness are private and thus directly inscru-
IhIiIi', there could not be a scientific psychology of consciousness. Only
tbaorvation of behavior would provide the necessary data for a scien-
W Because it is rare for any two behaviorists to generally agree on
anything of importance, arriving at exact definitions for BEHAVIOR
havt’ proven to be somewhat illusive.
B| In any event, in its original context, BEHAVIOR is defined as
"any movement of an organism." .
r This definition received refinement via the most general delim-
it,,,, of BEHAVIORISM, which consists of “the observable evidence of
nrgimismic activity to the exclusion of introspective data or references
tn consciousness of mind."
t One can cogitate on these and eventually come up with any
number of interpretations. But the two definitions respectively reler to
hi organism” and to “organismic activity” as the subject, while the
behavior refers to what the subjects do when they can be seen as being
I This is to attempt to point up that there are important distinc-
i ions between what an organism IS, and what an organism DOES when
■ Further, if “introspective data” refers to certain subjective and/
... psychological factors that might serve as motivations for the activity,
(hen the activity takes place in the absence of such motivations. Here is
something of a complexity— since when we observe an organism exhib-
tling such and such a motion (behavior), we usually try to comprehend
why it is doing so and to what ends.
To transliterate this mess into something that can more easily
!„• understood, sexual behavior is either caused by or originates in “or-
ganismic activity,” while the processes of the behavior do not involve
rither subjective or consciousness of mind processes.
However confusing this may be, the central message is quite
S ’-»~ 1
entirely on rather than “oZT have focused almost
this focus I, H.mplv vnv,.„r,Hi 0rga k ms u mic activity, and whether
alleged. ' VO ' Vm ' r,H, ,c thrdl °r on behalf of clinical aspects as
ORGANIC VITALITY -A FX)RM OF ANIMATING ENERGETICS
tern, oMS‘ ■ “tal extension of the
ORGAN, which meant ' instrum ,,r th?r r" f- ” the Greek term
tions. instrument that functions because of vibra-
cal instie 8 ;,™^ rtLT,T' y " umb » »f -«*.
was not HSr?™ “cte
meaning that the earlier comprehensT() th Tfh^ t0 th ‘ S ph y sioIo ffi c al
considerably from later ^ ^ ^
referringtophyTclTor 'ZtT * as80ciated with VITALITY
The pre-m^era^earing^^^ developed,
istmg as a manifestation of Life.” L ferred 8 PecificaUy to “ex-
fined as^SrSelha" ^e ItCstf alilT^ ° f Y™US*-de-
v.taUni.natin, » di . tinct
» con.id^r“r^Xr d -»
But here it should be pointed un that 0 ; n
v cea up that since ancient times ANI-
M \TK specifically referred to a universally existing “something” that
Was likened to breath.
|P Breath is clearly a universal indicator that life is present, and
*• it could be considered a principle, whether completely understood or
The term VITAL referred to this principle, which itself was life.
V Taking all of the above into consideration, an organism was an
ihutrument of the life animating principle, an instrument of the life
• m rgetic principle. By associating the term ORGAN to life, organisms
unquestionably also associated energetic vibrations to the life principle
whet her or not embodied in otherwise inorganic matter merely made
up of physico-chemical forces.
K And it is then possible to see that the concept of “orgasmic ac-
tivity” refers only indirectly to behavior, but more directly to some kind
mI animating activity — as contrasted, for example, with “inorgasmic ac-
■ In this sense, the term ORGASMIC is entirely redolent with
vital, vitalizing, and animating functions.
I Thus, what the definition of BEHAVIORISM is actually doing,
i*i allocating behavioristic activity to primary vibrating, vitalizing, and
.mi mating functions, and which, on their own, manifest secondary re-
Its identifiable as behavior.
■ SELF-VIBRATING ENERGIES
Whether the whole of this small discussion makes sense to vari-
uuH readers, it is quite visible via sexual behavior.
This behavior, as most people realize, clearly manifests animat-
ing functions — and these functions are often in complete defiance of
whatever serves as introspective data, consciousness and mind.
Indeed, it is frequently observed that sexual activity “has a mind
of its own.”
More simply put, perhaps, sexual behavior is the result of some
definitely self-animating, self-vibrating energies — and whatever vibrates
certainly will resonate upon other organisms possessing the necessary
I On definitional grounds alone, it is possible to theorize that
sexual activity consists of resonating vibrations that can be sensed by
i oi un 1 1 hum > mid that those organisms will demonstrate some kind
of muirtfotic reacting.
None of this can be allocated to, or explained by, body or mind
alone, or by any mix of body-mind.
Any explanation of “organismic activity” requires the inclusion
° r ,ln energetic principle between body and mind, a concept that links
I ho two into an animate organism.
SID versus BODY- ENERGY-MIND
That the human being consists of only two parts — body and
jid — is a concept so much taken for granted in the Western societal
itream that its authenticity is hardly ever questioned.
Indeed, the body-mind concept in its modern status has been
•nce-sacrosanct — so much so that mainstream workings can feel jus-
ified in relegating contrasting phenomena and data into the nebulos-
ity of the unscientific.
■ Thus, the modern “image of man” is as body-mind. The culture-
ul inping influences of this image have been exceedingly strong. The image
in so powerfully and redundantly prevailing in the overall societal sense
I hat hardly anyone even knows how to begin challenging it — not even
The image conceptually divides the basic perception of the hu-
man into two parts. This, of course, is a dualistic dividing, and is in
keeping with the somewhat demented love affair the cultural West has
conducted with the reductionism philosophy of dualism.
I One importance of this dividing is that it omits, or does not
permit, a logical tripartite dividing that includes human energies, hu-
man energetics, and phenomena accompanying them.
■ So it is perpetually difficult, for example, to account for and
give authentic place to sexual energies, creative energies, mental ener-
gies, and, as well, to morphological energies that shape inanimate mat-
ter into animate formats.
| In order to discuss the concept of the human as body-energy-
mind, it is first somewhat profitable to review when and why the decid-
edly faulty dualistic concept became established.
IMAGES OF MAN
During the early decades of the twentieth century, anthropolo-
gists dug deeply into the cultural aspects of past societies.
Those studies reinforced the concept that human societies need
what is referred to as an “Image of Man,” in order to have some idea of
Wh, „ .hoiiKht MAN (including women) to be. In the past, there-
loro, li until n HCK'iotiea erected different kinds of images of man based
on Whatever wan seen as consensus reality by those societies.
the "m„ ^ 18 “ e u XCeedingly interestln g revelation overall about
h,t "" 01 H0C ' etal hum «n«- But it has always led into problems-
3;r‘l y B “ aOC l etieS Which felt that ° n,y one lma & of Man
was needed, and this was the one THEY had constructed. Many Images
have como and gone, of course. ges
future hk.'IvV'f l ' th i modernist bod y-mind Image is, in the nearing
uro, hkt ly to be replaced as not quite authentic and all-inclusive
scient,r,c discove "“ ° re ieadinB -
Many eariy anthropologists noted that different Images of Man
were established and adopted by each given society. Each society, then
saw all other Images as useless, and sometimes as a threat to the integ-
rity and sanctity of its own Image.
Some wonderful books were produced regarding images of man
But when investigated species-wide, the fact that there were so many
images, each differing, clearly established that all Images of Man were
only artifacts of societal thinking.
Further, it could be surmised that the realities upon which the
Images were based might only consist of supposed realities that some-
how gained mainstream support.
virtue aCtUa ‘ faCt> the Images were considered authentic only by
Til l ^ mainstream support. And since most societal mainstreams
faTem t r autho " tari f' " tendencies, perhaps many Images were in
act empty of everything but authoritarian insistence and conditioning.
uoon which antl ? ropoIogical studies fur ther revealed that the realities
upon which the Images were incorporated could consist as much of the
rewh? aS °t f re lf By direCt implication - then - the anthropological
mindsets' 18 Ched Up ° n an 1SSUe quite sensitive to the modernist
l i * ^h 18 sensitivity specifically involved the authenticity and dura-
Inlity of the Image of Man that the modem sciences and philosophies
wore working so diligently to construct.
I lie most important issue along these lines was that the mod-
em sciences were working to ELIMINATE illusory, religious and
■Uperst itionul contexts that the moderns felt had been incorporated into
>ill earlier Images. But anthropologists more or less suggested that all
imi rlier societies also had thought they were eliminating the same things.
Even a hint that the modern sciences, however unsuspectingly,
might be replacing earlier illusions with new illusions of their own was
untenable. So various brouhaha's erupted in scientific and academic
> circles. all eagerly fueled by philosophical Intellectuals.
These arguments increased in pitch when anthropologists be-
gun reporting on certain conditions that were notable in earlier societ-
L f ».m:
1 awareness of invisible energies
2 different sexual formats, often ritualized
3 connections of apparent sexualizing energies
with “higher powers of mind”
4 the use of erotic methods to enhance creative
and psychic capacities
I I THE MODERN EMERGENCE OF PHILOSOPHICAL DUALISM
The body-energy- mind concept was entirely visible and relevant |
during the many decades of the European Renaissance, one of the most
| nignificant reculturalizing events in human history.
Indeed, it could be said, with historical justification, that the
nciences of the Renaissance were focused on cosmic, natural and bio-
1 However, at some point during the post-Renaissance decades,
(his important trinity passed from mainstream consideration, with the
result that the human was increasingly explained as body-mind only.
After the disappearance of Renaissance energetics, and until
t he 1930s Soviet introduction of bio-energetics, no comparable official
( concept really existed in the modern scientific and philosophical West.
Although human energies could be talked about in popular, layman
terms, there existed no official scientific or philosophical substance for
The concept of dualism is quite ancient, some of its formats dat-
| ing back to Manichaeism arising in Persia about A.D. 226. Earlier for-
| mats are found in ancient Greece and among the even earlier Sanskrit-
speaking people of India.
Most dictionaries usually offer three principle definitions of
1 a theory that considers reality to consist of two irreducible ele-
ments or modes
2 a view of man as constituted of two irreducible elements
3 a doctrine that the universe is under the dominion of two op-
posing principles, one of which is good and the other evil
Even though dualism does have a lengthy history, the particu-
ar concept of dualism that came to overwhelm modern thought is ac-
knowledged as originating from the famous French philosopher and
scientist, Rene Descartes (1596-1650.)
Descartes is unquestionably accepted as major among the
founders of modern thought, but also among the most original philoso-
phers and mathematicians of any age.
It is interesting to learn of an unusual element in Descartes'
early background. On the night of November 10, 1619, while in Ger-
many, he had certain dreams which he interpreted as a divine sign that
hxs destiny was to found a unified science of nature.
At the time of the dream it seemed that this new unity would be
based on mathematics. He did not, however, immediately set about to
write works of philosophy or science, but continued to travel widely.
. .. HlS fir8t substantia * work was “Rules for the Direction of the
Mind written in 1628-29. Although “Rules" was never completed, what
did exist was published in 1701, but probably only because Descartes
had become a philosophical superstar by the time of his death in 1650.
In November 1628, Descartes was in Paris, where he distin-
guished himself in a famous confrontation with one Chandoux, who
held that science could be founded only on probabilities (probability
theory later becoming a significant issue in physics at about 1928.)
Descartes eloquently attacked Chandoux, vigorously claiming-
( 1 ) that only absolute certainty (not probability) could serve as a basis
of hu man knowledge, and (2) that he himself had a method of establish-
ing this basis.
Here is made visible one essential ingredient regarding the
niMrly absolute charisma Descartes’ thinking was to have, a charisma
• lull is by no means dispelled even today.
I Simply put. most humans prefer to deal in absolute certainties
mther than in amorphous probabilities. Thus, Descartes was not only
hi become an exponent of certainty, but a comforting icon of it as well.
As regards Cartesian Dualism. Descartes held, in absolute cer-
tainty of course, that there are only TWO causally unrelated substances,
the physical and the mental.
Accordingly, for Descartes, a human being must be some kind
• if union of two distinct things: a soul, or mind — and a body. The body is
part of mechanical nature, the mind, a "pure thinking substance.*'
Since the body is merely a physical mechanical system, the pure
thinking substance must be the principle of life that energizes the me-
I For Descartes, live bodies differ from dead ones as stopped
| watches differ from working ones. Moreover, there are many actions
that the bodily machine performs on its own. without any intervention
mI the thinking substance (a.k.a., the soul.)
[ This Cartesian division of the human being into two distinct
• utegories of body and mind apparently disposed of the "soul’’ which
was a religious concept by renaming it "mind.” And in this sense, Carte-
Miun dualism was seized upon by later scientific materialists as the battle
between religion and science heated up in the eighteenth and nineteenth
Descartes later changed his mind and became prepared to iden-
l if y a close union between soul and body as a "substantial union’ ol
MOTION. He does suggest that this union is in fact a “primitive” and
thus unanalyzable union.
Nonetheless, he went to some lengths to analyze it. In fact, his
increasing analysis led him to have a good deal to say about it, and he
did so in his PASSIONS OF THE SOUL which he published in 1649.
As discussed in PASSIONS, the nature of the soul is quite com-
plicated. But Descartes essentially offered a picture of the soul directly
moving the pineal gland and thus affecting the "animal spirits, which
considered to be the hydraulic transmission system of mechanical
One might have to struggle a little regarding this concept, but a
possible clarification is that "hydraulic transmission system” is a kind
of KiiurKi/iiiK principle.
IW «. Ioh- picture also referred to what the soul was and wa.
nol roiiMi'iouH of. hut there are certain difficulties in understanding ex
m ilv how hi* envisioned this consciousness. I
In any event, the pineal gland theory offered in PASSIONS was
not n part of the Cartesian system that garnered wide favor in the de
vamping patterns of the material, modern sciences. I
The pineal gland idea, however, found wide favor in the occult '
HcmncoH -so called to distinguish those sciences as areas of knowledge
rejected by the modern science.
It is somewhat ironical, even humorous, that Descartes ideas
were* seminal within both the modern materialistic sciences AND the
modern occult sciences.
THE HUMAN AS BODY-ENERGY-MIND
One of the most common overviews of human energies, includ-
ing those sexual, is that they constitute functions, “drives,” or powers of
some human aspect that is not actually physical by definition, but un-
derstood as being quite close to an “instinctual” something or other.
Most dictionaries give at least two definitions for INSTINCT
The second one (most usually emphasized in science and academia)
defines INSTINCT as "consisting of specific responses to environmen
tal lectors, the responses being hereditary, unalterable, and not involv-
However, the term is drawn from the Latin INSTINCTUS mean-
ing impulse.” Thus, the first definition in English is given as “a natu-
ral impulse, capacity, or aptitude.” So there is a “conflict” between the
first and second definitions.
,, *u ‘V 8 t f ue ‘ hat a “ specific response” can be seen as an impulse.
On the other hand, the word “specific” can bring up a number of ques-
ions if one takes time to reflect. A little further thinking can reveal
that a response is not exactly the same as an impulse.
The principle reason is two-fold: while a response IS a reaction
° " Htimulu8 ‘ un '"Pulse, strictly speaking, is not a response or a reao
I ll* "•filer of this little difficulty is that IMPULSE is taken
min l he I .ut in I M PULSUS meaning “impel.” In English, therefore. IM-
I 'l ILSE is defined in ways that cannot really be equated with the defi-
nitions of RESPONSE.
IMPULSE usually has at least three definitions: (1) the act of
1 1 riving onward with sudden force; (2) a wave of excitation transmitted
t hrough tissues and especially nerve fibers and muscles that results in
physiological activity or inhibition; (3) a force so communicated as to
produce motion suddenly.
The distinction here is that RESPONSE to stimuli obviously is
i lio effect of some cause, while IMPULSE as to impel is clearly describ-
ing a cause that will result in effects or responses.
L Additionally, “a wave of excitation transmitted” obviously re-
!• i i to some kind of energy, or to some kind of energetic or energizing
Furthermore, whether instinct, response, or impulse, none of
l hem can be random or just flopping about. Otherwise, life forms that
have them would quickly be reduced to a pulsating mess. Thus, some
kind of “organizing intelligence” is implicit, and which, by all available
rlues, is energetic.
Various problems arise if it is accepted that the physical body is
the fundamental reality regarding what the human is — because this
ndegates the human as energy to a less important conceptual place, or
perhaps to no real place at all. Even if “mind” is added to “body,” this
dualism still omits “energy.”
\ In actuality, the human is some kind of a “marriage” of active
energies and physical body. Indeed, people refer to “body energy” and to
'mental energy.” It is thus somewhat difficult to see why the energetic
romponents of the human are NOT included in science, or why human
energetic phenomena generally fall into the unscientific category.
And if the energy aspect of the human is SUBTRACTED from
I he body aspect, and from the mental aspect, then the fate of the body
will fall apart and back into the inorganic materials of which it is com-
posed. The fate of the mind is much worse.
It is true that the rather recent concept of biophysical energies
does exist. But it is also the case that the term “biology” came into Ger-
man and French usage only in 1802, and into English usage in 1813.
Since then, the definition of BIOLOGY (or BIO) has referred to
the science of physical life, the division of science that deals with “orga-
nized beings," their morphology, physiology, origin and distribution —
but does not deal with their energies.
In the narrower, and most broadly accepted sense, biology re-
fers to physiology— “the branch of biology dealing with the processes,
activities, and phenomena incidental to and characteristic of life and
In the bio- physiological sense, then, the human is thought fun-
damentally to be living matter organized into a body. This concept is
something of a derangement of the actual facts.
In actuality, the matter itself is NOT living, since the atoms of
organic and inorganic matter are exactly the same. Indeed, all atoms
incorporated into any and all physical structures, including the skel-
etal and electronic nervous system, are gradually but completely ex-
changed every seven years by new atoms.
While the concept of biophysical energies has been making a
slow comeback since the 1930s, the concept of bio-energetic physicals
In other words, we think FROM matter TO energies— not from
ENERGIES to MATTER.
But even so, a vital question pertinent to both concepts remains:
which of energy or body is the cart and which is the horse that pulls the
cart? This is to ask, do the impulses of energy drive the automobile, or
do the impulses of the automobile drive the energy.
Perceptive individuals can recognize that whatever the human
IS, it is a complex and complicated affair, one that incorporates much
more than body-mind alone.
The question can then emerge as to WHY, during modern scien-
tific times, the most generally shared consensus REDUCES this com-
plex affair to the simple parameters of the physical body, or to the body-
This is a reductionistic concept via which the human as energy
isn't only set aside, but obviated into obscurity. To discover the WHY of
Ibis can be helpful, and can lead to greater insights regarding human
ANIMA AND THE LIFE PRINCIPLE
■ In most simple terms, throughout human history there have
•ilway8 been various kinds of distinctions between such things as (1)
rocks that don’t breathe, and (2) life forms that breathe, palpitate, some-
time8 demonstrate some kind of locomotion, and commence or enter
into various kinds of activities.
Admittedly, the above is so simplified as to be almost inane.
Hut even so, it adequately describes a double set of distinctions that
wore tremendously important in pre-modern societies — the distinctions
I m tween the INORGANIC and the ORGANIC— also known as the dis-
tinctions between the INANIMATE and the ANIMATE.
1 In order to emphasize the implication here, the pre-modems
I i.kI neither an overload of opportunities to deaden the real-life obser-
vational faculties, nor was there any particular kind of information glut
to stress their memory storage capacities.
I In explanation of this, there is a good deal of anthropological
evidence indicating that such primitives devoted a great deal of obser-
vational time to what characterized the living from the not living — and
in doing so became more sensitive to the existence of energetics.
I Of course, such primitives did not possess the term ENERGET-
ICS. And so they utilized terms more familiar to them. Those terms,
when examined, clearly refer to something along the lines of energizing
[ As described earlier, modem societies distinguished themselves
f rom pre-modem societies by various methods — such as condemning
the pre-modems as superstitional, naive and primitive, and engulfed
in myths having no credible basis within the modem philosophies and
As it happened, though, since language is a fluid-like thing that
flows from generation to generation, the modern societies could not al-
ii igether rid themselves of the pre-modem terms.
But meanings could be altered, and in this way the old mean-
ings could be retired back into the primitive and unenlightened pas
and new meanings could be assigned to old terms.
One not unusual fall-out of this is that people utilize THEI
contemporary meanings to assess the past, and are somewhat oblivioi
to the tact that in the past the meanings were different, and sometim
radically so. An example of different meanings can be realized by exam-
ining the word INFLUENCES, influences, of course, being one of the
major constituents of sexual energies.
Of particular interest is that many terms used in modern times
to identify THINGS were utilized in antiquity and up through the Re-
naissance period to specify various kinds of “influences.”
The important distinctions in this regard are difficult to clarify,
for at least three significant reasons.
First, although the concept of influencing has never been lost,
the modern two-part formula of cause-effect is quite different from the
three-part formula of pre-modern times.
Second, there are primary distinctions between the verb TO
INFLUENCE and the noun AN INFLUENCE. The noun implies that
an influence is an actual thing in itself, having its own identity. The
verb implies an activity of some kind, usually a transient activity.
Third, although a cause or source can be seen to have influ-
enced something else as an effect or result, the influencing process
BETWEEN the cause and the effect tends to remain invisible.
In the light of the above considerations, it is thus possible, if
only roughly so, to discern the essential differences between the mod
ern and the pre-modern ideas of the cause effect formula:
The Three-part Pre-modern Formula
CAUSE <-> INFLUENCE <-> EFFECT
The Two-part Modern Formula
CAUSE -> EFFECT
In considering these two general formulas, it is interesting to
ii'inxmber that the study of the nature of influences was of extraordi-
nary interest to the thinkers of the Renaissance.
K But as the Renaissance vision came to a somewhat unexplain-
ii l*lc end at about 1670, scientific and philosophic interest in the nature
nf influences had vanished almost entirely by the beginning of the twen-
I inth century.
Thus, no science of influences evolved during the modernist
period. The avoidance in this regard is important, in that many phe-
nomena exist (sexualizing activity, for example) that cannot be ad-
equately explained in the absence of knowledge about influences.
■ One clearly recognizable reason for this omission was that up
until the advent of quantum physics, the modern sciences principally
mnsidered only physical and tangible phenomena where causes and
effects could easily be observed and verified.
I There remained, however, many “effects" for which no physical
• nuses could be determined — such as how inanimate matter becomes
organized into animate organisms.
■ Another reason, not so recognizable, but which can be identi-
fied by research, was that the topic of INFLUENCES had socio-politi-
i ill ramifications regarding power and empowerment. And indeed, in-
fluence and power have always been almost synonymous.
K In the light of the above considerations, we can now examine
the established definitions of INFLUENCE.
I The verb, TO INFLUENCE, is defined as “to affect or alter by
indirect or intangible means; to have an effect on the condition or devel-
opment of something; also, to sway.”
I The noun form, (an) INFLUENCE, is taken from the ancient
Latin INFLUERE (to flow in), and as such has some surprising defrni-
I ions that have been carried into English, although shoved to the back-
1 An ethereal fluid thought to flow from the cosmos and stars and
[ to affect the actions of men
2 An emanation of hidden, intangible power held to derive from
I non-tangible sources*
3 The act or power of producing an effect without apparent exer-
tion of force or direct exorcise of command
<1 Tin* power or capacity of causing an effect in indirect or intan-
definitions share an obvious constituent, but which is
K ,v "" vorbnl form, but is clearly indicative of an energetic principle.
'Hi flow from so as to affect, emanation, act or power of produc-
" 1 K * HIW, ' r of causing— all these are more than suggestive of hidden,
ml eligible, ethereal active principles, but which none the less have tan-
In other words, to flow, to emanate, to produce, to cause, etc.,
are active, energetic principles. If they were not, it is quite difficult to
see how they could influence anything at all.
One additional definition for INFLUENCE as both a noun and
a verb is usually tucked somewhere into the lineup of its definitions:
"Corrupting interference with authority for personal gain.” In that in-
fluences might be "corrupting,” authority in general doesn’t like the
idea of their existing.
And herein indeed exists a particular, if subtle, story quite rel-
evant to why the modern West never developed a philosophy, a science,
or a psychology, of invisible, intangible, energetic influences and func-
AS We WiU SeC ’ thi8 8Ubt,e St0ry has much to do with how and
WHY the decidedly energetic phenomena examined ahead were treated
in modernist societal contexts.
THE LIFE PRINCIPLE
It can be said of the modern period that no absolute philosophi-
cal or scientific explanation was considered necessary regarding the
nature, essence and energies of what the ancients had generally dubbed
the LIFE principle.
However, in terms of recorded history the need to do so was felt
from at least 3,000 B.C., and continued up through the Late Renais-
sance-after which the modern sciences and philosophies departed from
nnything remotely involving supernal considerations.
Prior to the modern epoch, then, the need for a conceptual life
principle had always been necessary, and this called for appropriate
H In a number of cultural languages, the basic terms selected al-
most always had to do with “breath,” since that is what living things
They also stopped breathing upon death, at which time it was
conceived that the “breath of life” had departed from the physical body
now empty of the life principle.
H After the Life Principle departed, the body was no longer ani-
mated and turned back into its material “dust.”
[ Although certainly deriving from earlier languages, the Latin
term for this life-breath principle was ANIMA — in the first instance
probably taken as meaning “breath.”
However, as already stated, since it could easily be determined
I hat the physical body ended up as non-living dust, it was considered
that the life principle consisted of something other than, and indepen-
dent from, the dust.
I In LATE Latin (i.e., not in EARLY Latin), ANIMA also was taken
to refer to “soul,” in that soul represented the breath-factor of the life
principle. But there are certain subsequent confusions.
I The Latin ANIMA basically referred a life principle typified by
breath; but in ancient times, there were concepts that referred to en-
tity-like factors designated by the term SOUL or its many linguistic
I At some early point, ANIMA and SOUL became collapsed into
each other, the earlier distinctions becoming ambiguous.
In English, the soul concept is derived not from Latin but from
early Old Nordic and Old Germanic sources. However, the terms “ani-
mate” and “animated” were incorporated into the principle definitions
The earliest meanings of SOUL in Old English first referred to
"animate existence," but this wiih later incorporated into “the principle
of life in man or animals."
Somewhat later in English, bill still very early, SOUL was also
established as referring to “the principle of thought and action in man,
m„„ly regarded as an entity distinct from the body; the spiritual
part of man m contrast to the purely physical.”
SOUL also occasionally referred to “the corresponding or analo-
Koub principle in animals.”
By about 1400, the concept of SOUL had taken on a number of
meanings referred to as metaphysical-“the vital, sensitive, or rational
principle in plants, animals or human beings.”
~ . , T °/ ay : having in general lost touch with metaphysics, we would
u J fficult f 0 see wh y those vital, sensitive, or rational qualities
should be considered as metaphysical.
In any event, SOUL was also used “frequently with distinguish-
ing adjectives, such as vegetative, sensible or sensitive, rational or rea-
. U,- The foregoing tour among definitions has been necessary to es-
tablish two factors regarding ANIMA and SOUL that are often over-
looked, but which are important to the several contexts of this book
Both words define not THINGS per se, but TWO functions. The
first has to do with the life principle that distinguishes between the
inanimate and the ANIMATED. The second function establishes addi-
tional or inherent factors of the animating life principle, such as the
sensitive and sensible qualities.
Temporarily leaving aside the rational or reasonable factors
associated to them, the sensitive and sensible qualities are SENSATE
. Since sensate factors are not particularly identifiable with mat-
ter which is usually considered inert, it must be assumed that sensate
actors are inherent and inseparable extensions of an animating life
orm that, by virtue of the animating factors, is endowed with faculties
to sense whatever is important to sense.
_ 1' ■ • nm the sensing of invisible, intangible influences, such
as sexualizing influences whose existence almost anyone can sense.
! ndeed, it is exquisitely necessary to sense influences. After all
i t is rather too late to avoid effects AFTER they have come down on one.
His. any animate life form that is not sensate regarding the sensing of
influences will probably and promptly be clobbered into extinction.
With all of this, it can now be suggested that it is possible, in
-.Mnewhiit vulgarized versions, to consider and discuss the animate and
h " "°" 1 WI 1 IIOUT necessarily including the sensate influencing at-
1 1 ibutes of either or both. Indeed, except in a usually gross material
manner, knowledge about what animate life forms can and do sense is
V Also during the modern period, it became possible to drop the
concept of ANIMATE and simply refer to life forms only as life forms.
This neatly disposed of the inconvenient difficulties arising out of the
enigma posed by the nature, essence and energies of the animating life
B The term ANIMAL is derived from the Latin ANIMA and which
basically referred to animating breath.
B Tbday, ANIMAL is principally utilized to distinguish whatever
is alive but which, on the one hand, cannot be identified as a plant, or,
i m the other hand, is not to be identified with MAN, and most certainly
never with WOMEN.
| In its earliest and most original Latin meaning, however,
ANIMALIS specifically referred to ‘anything living/’ which is to say,
anything alive, breathing, and “having the breath of life.”
In this sense, then, the term ANIMAL was associated with such
terms as ANIMATING and ANIMISTIC.
Later concepts of ANIMAL SPIRIT or ANIMAL SOUL had to
do with “the supposed ‘spirit’ or principle of sensation and voluntary
motion, and answering to nerve fluid, nerve force, or nervous activity.”
Please note that the definition of ANIMAL SOUL given just
above is considered obsolete, largely because the idea of soul as animat-
ing energy was also declared obsolete.
All of these factors having been declared obsolete, it was then
possible to consider that the sole energy aspect of a life form involved
only what it consumed as nutritional substances acquired from some
source external to itself.
At this, the concept of a formative, indwelling energetic prin-
ciple could be abandoned, together with the ideas of indwelling nerve
fluid, nerve force, and nervous activity.
Thereafter, concepts having to do with indwelling energies arose
only with regard to human creative energies, human power, and hu-
man sexualizing energies. It cannot really he said that these types ol
energetic activities exclusively arise from nutritional substances alone.
the tera^ANIMALIS was sometimes ^ Medil ™l ^
but at ^
mostly to "brute fore? "bru'tf force ’ refe ™i
rior animals.” Dru te beasts and. as time advanced, to “infe
meaningt^antZ * tae^^ ™
“animal soul” — which likewise referred?' ani^ 880 from the concept of
those energies something of an enti^-likeToTm energ0t '“’ but Bave
evant is entirely rel
how and why it came into existence ld<mtify more preciae ly
PHY riS ri ght V0 i u s e ? of THE encyclopedia op philoso
MAI. SOT IT TKn* ^ y • c “ rnes a rather extensive entry for AMI
tries in the eight volumes. mg ’ ,f n0t outn & bt hilarious en
aonage ~“-t» the per
and scientist. As is stated in ^ySo *^" 088 ^ phil »"«Pher
chief among the founders who designed th^contoZT' S ’ 80 '”'? 8 Was
and among the most original
"concept^ of the^nfmal soT d *T P °“ t! “ p «■« ‘he
until the seventeenth century, when H° T' 8 ? 10U8 problem!
tinctions which had been latent in the
mgly surrounded the animal soul or mind and V b ^ lncreas
indicators of a number of fundi mpnt I ^ d th ® y became “sensitive
and science.” fundamental issues ,n modem philosophy
‘.on. ^ St 0 tl H e ',!: ad P ° 8tUhted «—
h«d the functions of „„„r,s h ment an’d repZult"
mIko endowed with sensation, motion, and all degrees of mental func-
tions except reason.
■ Aristotle reserved reason for man, but his gradations from in-
• 1 1 to reason precluded a sharp discontinuity between physical and
mental functions in man.
■ To help resolve various resulting theoretical complexities,
I )escartes advanced the concept that “animals are pure machines, while
men are machines with minds.”
I Further, if biological phenomena could be included in the do-
main of Descartes' idea of a universal physics, “then a boundary would
no longer lie between inanimate and animate beings.”
■ Physics would then include all of nature except the mind of man.
Note that it is somewhat of a wonderment to consider what an inani-
mate being might consist of.
I The Kncyclopedia goes on to state that after the discovery of the
circulation of the blood, Descartes “was encouraged to attempt a gen-
eral mechanistic physiology in hydraulic terms.”
■ He argued that most human motions do not depend on the mind,
mid he gave examples of physiological functions and reactions which
• Hicur independently of the will— functions such as digestion, reactions
Much as sneezing.
Descartes went on to stipulate that in man the mind could also
direct the course of the fluid (or animal spirits) which controls move-
ments. However, to attribute minds to animals would threaten tradi-
tional religious beliefs, “since the psychological concept of mind was
conflated with the theological concept of soul.”
To help resolve THIS problem, Descartes argued that it would
"be impious to imagine that animals have souls of the same order as
men, and that man has nothing more to hope for in the afterlife than
flies and ants have ”
Similarly, “God could not allow the sinless creatures to suffer.
Without souls, animals would not suffer, and man would be absolved
from guilt for exploiting, killing and eating them.”
One of the longer-term results of Descartes’ ideas, many of which
became modernist doctrines, was that the distinction between man-mind
and animal-beast became more recognizable, largely because, in a philo-
Hophical sense, the distinctions tended to inflate men’s appreciation of
man. and relegated animals to a lower order.
points up that the debate of the animal soul
* tortuous. The central issue, however, did not actually
""»"•! machine and man-machine-with-mind hypotheses
adequacy of mechanistic explanation to account for
••II l'i>.l>> M .< al and psychological phenomena.
IVlnr to Descartes, the search for mechanistic explanation had
"" " r I"" concept of Final Cause and Purpose— i.e., with regard
specially of animate life forms and their purpose of their
In other words, is mechanistic explanation adequate to account
• h.i only lor the mechanistic (hydraulic) workings of biological and psy-
chological phenomena, but also for origin and purpose?
Descartes coped with this difficulty in an expeditious and sur-
gical manner: he excluded explanation-by-purpose from physics and from
This was very comforting to societal mainstreams, since they
no longer had to worry about THEIR Final Cause and Purpose Thus
purpose has remained excluded from the modern mainstream sciences
ever since. Indeed, the exclusion of Purpose is convenient to the elimi-
nation of conscience.
In any event, the nature of Purpose (the Why of things) was an
issue of enormous antiquity, in all pre-modern cultures, and was inex-
tncably bound together with the Life Principle.
Eliminating Purpose from the science of physics and from biol-
ogy served quite well in also eliminating the difficulties of admitting
the existence of a life principle.
So, these theoretical maneuvers had the long-term effect of set-
ting science free of metaphysical contexts, and free of the mysteries of
how and why matter came into existence and how it became animated.
Thereafter, as the Encyclopedia indicates, “adherence to the
animal-machine doctrine in physics and biology became the crucial test
of loyalty not only to Cartesianism, but a test of loyalty to the formats of
the modern sciences.”
One of the principal fall-outs of all this was the widening of the
gull between man-machine and beast-machine— with the term ANIMAL
thereafter being associated with beast- machines having no souls.
This ultimately resulted in ANIMAL being dissociated from con-
l"XtH ol animate, organized, living, and redefined the term exclusively
“one of the lower animals — a brute, or beast as distinguished from
I As stated in the Encyclopedia, “there has been no peace'* since
I VHcartes’ theories became science doctrines. The doctrines “have proven
inadequate” in the light of the theory of evolution, the methods of mod-
• i n psychology, and of cybernetics — and the emergence of Soviet and
I This somewhat extended discussion of ANIMATE and ANIMAL
Iuih been necessary since it sets the ground for the next chapter dealing
with the energies studied by the Renaissance magnetists, and the fol-
lowing chapter on animal magnetism and its direct association with
■ The specific phenomena of profound interest to the magnetists
of the Renaissance period was later erroneously lumped into one or
nunther of three categories: occultism, spiritualistics and hypnotism.
■ This indiscriminate lumping served to erase the early contours
i (I energetic magnetism, and subsequent work of its kind, as a clever
M metal maneuver to place the topic of energetic magnetism into the
unscientific category of modernist thought.
■ DEFINITION OF RENAISSANCE MAGNETISM
To the Renaissance thinkers, MAGNETISM was identified as a
vital effluence radiating from every object in the universe, in a greater
nr lesser degree, and through which all objects might exercise a mutual
r Influence on one another.
■ From this concept the idea of the “sympathetic system” was for-
mulated. In the case of organic systems, the idea roughly meant that
those systems were subject to being influenced by transmission of “vi-
brations”— although that term had not yet come into the full popular
usage it was to acquire much later.
■ The eventual unfolding of the contrasts between the scientific
i uid the unscientific consigned the Renaissance ideas to the latter cat-
egory until they were recovered in vague part by the 1960s concept of
the interconnectedness of everything working via sympathetic systems.
Since the early magnetists experimented and worked with mag-
nets, especially with regard to healing, it is generally assumed that the
term MAGNETISM was derived from the term MAGNET. This deriva-
tion is certainly possible.
But it is more likely that the term came from the concept of
M AGNES MICROCOSMI, which in Renaissance thought referred to
Man as a microcosm of Earth itself, and as such having poles and mag-
THIS concept also incorporated the MAGNES MACROCOSMI—
the planets, stars and cosmos — from which came “subtle effluence” that
influenced and affected man’s body, energies, mind and intellect. These
macrocosm effluences combined with “earthly substances radiating a
grosser emanation,” and the mixed whole of which affected the body.
The MAGNES MACROCOSMI and MAGNES MICROCOSMI
concepts in principle are magnetic-energetic concepts, and as such can
easily be incorporated into the contexts of influences and energetics.
THE SYMPATHETIC SYSTEM OF THE RENAISSANCE EPOCH
The venerable Swiss-born physician, Paracelsus (1493-1541),
is probably the best remembered of the Renaissance magnetists. He
may have originated the “sympathetic system” concept, and certainly
was its most energetic proponent.
But in the modernist historical sense he is more usually pointed
up as an alchemist, which attribution tends to stigmatize the whole
body of his work. More correctly described, he was a researcher of ener-
getics and sympathetic energy systems.
However, his whole body of work was extraordinarily large. It
encompassed many other topics such as chemistry, metallurgy, herbal
remedies, and what later came to be known as homeopathic healing.
Paracelsus was noted during his times by his “egotism" and con-
tempt for traditional theories, earning him large doses of enmity from
certain of his contemporaries. In the last analysis, however, he had great
influence in his own and succeeding centuries. Upon his death, a statue
was erected to him in Salzburg.
A later influential magnetist was Jan Baptista van Helmont
(1577-1644), a Flemish physician, chemist, and natural philosopher
(natural philosophy being later dubbed as physics.) By any measure
today, Helmont was a substantial thinker and researcher.
He discovered carbon dioxide, distinguished gases as a class of
substances, and is credited with introducing the term GAS in its present
He attributed physiological changes to chemical causes, but, as
most official modernist sources stipulate, his conclusions “were colored
by his speculative mysticism.”
Thin ■‘mysticism" is an oblique, stigmatizing reference to the
hi. I l liul I lelmont was an energetic proponent of magnetism anil of the
As he wrote: “Material nature draws her forms through con-
Hiiint magnetism from above, and implores for them the favor of heaven,
mid as heaven, in like manner, draws something invisible from below,
I Imre is established a free and mutual intercourse, and the whole is
iiiiltained in an individual.”
Further, he established or embellished the concept that magne-
I Hum was either composed of a "subtle fluid, or that the subtle fluid was
il.m medium via which magnetism affected whatever it did.
He then proceeded to offer up an observation of the type that
Iiiih, as we will see, consistently proved to be a societal faux pas. He
■ ■ Indicated that it was possible for the "power of the will to direct the
I subtle fluid.”
Helmont doesn't seem to have been the type to offer remark-
l( |,l«. observations like this in the complete absence of evidence, and so
j there must have been veridical and empirical grounds for him to do so.
In any event, this observation can easily be connected to the
I modern parapsychological issues regarding psychokinesis on the one
I hand, and healing by sympathetic manipulation of the “subtle fluid"
nura of the physical body on the other.
■ Helmont went on to make public another observation, one cer-
tiiin to embroil societal concerns even of his times. "I have hitherto
« voided revealing the great secret— that the strength (of the vital fluid]
him concealed in man, [and that] merely through the suggestion and
power of the imagination to work outwardly, and to impress this strength
„n others, which then continues of itself, and operates on the remotest
■ Furthermore, as “proof of the mutual magnetic influence of liv-
mg creatures,” Helmont asserted that by certain manipulations of the
vital fluid during the "ecstasy" of the inner magnetic man, “men may
kill animals merely by staring hard at them for a quarter of an hour.”
I With this statement is found one of the earliest references to
'ecstasy” — which of course has several formats, but among which is
I aexualizing ecstasy.
Here is also a very early mention that has to do with "learning
how" to manipulate the vital fluids— a prospect being viewed forever
idler with some kind of societal alarm.
VITAL FLUIDS OF REPULSION AND ATTRACTION
p Jbf of magnetics” was picked up by others, among which
was Robert Fludd (1574-1637).
Identified as an English physician, most official historical
sources also describe him as a “mystic philosopher educated at Oxford
of ParaceLus ” tlnent ’ ^ 8tr ° ngly influenced b y tb «* mystical doctrines
Aside from the misuse of the term “mystical,” Fludd was an
exponent of the microcosmic/macrocosmic theory of sympathetic sys-
tems, and of the magnetic effluence from man.
, TJ 11 j d Indlcated th at not only “were these emanations able to
cure bodily diseases. They also affected the moral sentiments.
For if radiations from two individuals were, on meeting, flung
back or distorted negative magnetism, or antipathy resulted. Whereas
d the radiations from each person passed freely into those from the
other, the result was positive magnetism of sympathy.”
ATTRACTION' 1 m ' ght ^ ° bserVed ' radiation8 of REPULSION or of |
HEALING BY MAGNETIC STROKING
It is somewhat difficult to reconstruct the story of magnetic/
energetic applications during the Renaissance decades. Magnetics re-
search has been better remembered by its theories. Not much has sur-
vived about its practical applications, especially with regard to healing
None the less, the evidence is clear that the practical side was
by no means neglected, and a large number of magnetic healers emerged
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
v i .• A1 ‘ houg t 1 , not the first ’ but among the most memorable, was
Valentine Greatlakes, an Irishman born in 1628. At some point in 1662
he had a dream, several times repeated, that he could cure by laying on
of hands, or by “magnetic stroking” as it came to be called.
Although not always successful, he seems to have performed a
surprising number of cures in Ireland and then in London where a num-
ber ol notables attested to his accumulating status as a “divine healer.”
News of his healing powers, coupled with news about the invis-
ible existence of magnetic energies, spread far and wide, and patients
i Mine by the hundreds to seek the benefits of his stroking.
Somewhat later, during the eighteenth century, another famous
••linking healer appeared in the form of a Swabian priest named J. J.
f Biographical details of Gassner are a little hard to come by, but
Im* is noted as a priest of Bludenz (now in Austria), where his many
cures gained wide celebrity for him.
K He apparently had deep learning and a noble character, and
Muinetimes made use of magnets, “magnetic manipulation,” and strok-
ing or rubbing the affected part. However, according to him, all dis-
cuses were caused by “evil spirits,” this idea having a tradition extend-
ing back to the ancient Greeks.
I However he explained causes, not only could he control “sick-
m*ns” by whatever means he employed, but the “passions" too were
amenable to his means.
I Among example “passions” enumerated in various literature
were anger, patience, joy, hate, and love, and the “passion” of sexual
impotence — each of which, by magnetic stroking, could be brought un-
der control by “carrying each to the highest pitch.”
1 “Highest pitch” apparently referred to a type of ecstatic cathar-
sis. a purgation or cleansing release of traumatizing physical and/or
mental “tensions” — often, but not always, accompanied by transient
types of neuromotor convulsions not unlike the ecstasies of sexual or-
The “ecstasies” released, or purged, the “tensions.” And where
this worked, Gassner could chalk up another “cure."
In about 1766, the magnetic stroking of J. J. Gassner attracted
the attention pf Franz Anton Mesmer, and whose name ultimately was
to tower over all others.
MAGNETIC FORCE— ANIMAL MAGNETISM
The saga of Franz Anton Mesmer was exceedingly dramatic and
• (tended far beyond his death. It resulted in a veritable Age of Mesmer-
ism, the vitality of which took on international interest and fascination
t hut endured for about 140 years.
I Indeed, such was the strength of Mesmerism that it came to
constitute one of the first international movements of any kind. And its
international vivacity was such that the anti-energetic sentiments in
the mainstream modern sciences did not succeed in deconstructing it
until about 1920.
r Even then. Mesmerism left three long shadows of itself: the first
in the guise of hypnotism; the second in the guise of psychical research;
t he third in the guise of the energetic mysteries of sexual energies.
I FRANZ ANTON MESMER
France Anton Mesmer (1733-1815) was born in Switzerland at
Weil, near the city and lake of Constance. By all accounts, he was of
copious intelligence and a somewhat high-minded individual, whose
thinking was completely in keeping with his times.
Modern historians seldom consider him as a person within his
times, but assess him according to modern standards as they later de-
veloped. And by those later standards, Mesmer’s activities consisted of
one strange folly after another.
He was educated in Vienna where he took a degree in medicine.
As his doctoral thesis he produced a study entitled DE PLANETAR UM
INFLUXU (the influence of the planets on the human body).
In modern contexts, this document is mistakenly condemned as
Mesmer’s “astrological thesis.” But in his times, and as we have al-
ready seen, the thesis examined magnetic energetic influences that were
thought to be universal in nature.
Mesmer observed that the action of the magnetic influences “con-
sists of alternating effects which may be considered as fluxes and re-
fluxes" of sympathetic systems.
— i ■ ... ■— — —
I lit "II.., "i,, th«- human body with properties analo
H- '"' |x»l«‘s. diverse and opposed which c an he
' ' M"d, destroyed and reinforced: the phenomenon of
1,11 "lull i it is nUh tiliHorviible."
In Islet summarizing his thesis, he indicated that "the property
"" I • ANIMATE] body which renders it susceptible to the
litiHNhcli. | Influence of the celestial bodies, and to the reciprocal action
•' Ironing (local environmental) ones, 1 felt prompted to name,
"i .logy to the magnet, animal magnetism.”
As discussed in chapter 4. please hear in mind that the contexts
Me..,,..', was using referred not to "animal” magnetism, but to ANT-
M M INI! magnetism and that, during his times, this usage was un -
del sloe id and accepted.
MEDICAL USES OF MAGNETIC “PLATES"
Mesmer was one of the many physicians who were exploring
cures and healings via magnets. Mesmer apparently innovated, designed
and constructed his own version of such plates. By applying his magne-
tized plates to a patient’s limbs, he effected his first cures in about 1 773.
Unfortunately, what these plates consisted of has been lost.
But probably analogous to them are various magnetic plates
designed in Japan during the 1980s, which also produced cures.
Further, the application of weak electromagnetic currents to
bone fractures and ulcerous infections has been confirmed as speeding
up healings and cures. (See, for example, THE BODY ELECTRIC by
Robert O. Becker, M.D., and Gary Selden, 1985.]
Mesmer came to special public attention because of a bitter
and quite public, controversy involving the invention of his plates.
The priority of this invention was claimed by a Jesuit priest
having the curious name of Maximillian Hell, a professor of astronomy/
astrology at the University of Vienna. Mesmer won this claim, but was
quickly involved in another controversy involving his cure of a blind
At some point between 1770 and 1775, Mesmer was among the
many physicians and intellectuals who witnessed a number of cures
eilected by the strokings of J. J. Gassner without the use of magnets.
Because of this, Mesmer correctly conceptualized that the hu-
man body possessed a magnetic “field,” and that such fields could affect
I * hi h other. Mesmer thereafter disposed of the magnets.
For a fresh start he abandoned Vienna as well and traveled to
I l»n Paris, the City of Lights.
H MAGNETIC “VATS”
■ Installed in Paris, he quickly developed novel techniques and
iH|iupment to effect cures. The exact nature and materials of the new
oquipment have again been lost to posterity. But not their impact, re-
uniting scandals, and the extraordinary controversies that came to sur-
round the very name of Mesmer.
■ The equipment Mesmer designed consisted of several versions
«f a large circular vat (in French, BAQUET), filled with “certain sub-
ntiinces” that apparently consisted of mixtures of various metals and
■luirds of glass. Whatever the substances consisted of, they served to
“collect animating magnetism” and transfer it and its sympathetic quali-
Iich to the sympathetic systems of the patients.
■ The theory was that the “certain substances” collected and am-
plified the magnetic forces, and then, via hand-held connectors, the forces
wore transferred to and resaturated the sympathetic systems inherent
in the bodies of the patients. •
I The methods utilized to effect the transfer tend to boggle the
I The patients sat around the baquets in communal groups, each
holding a metal or glass rod, or a mere copper wire or string of thread,
the other end of which was pushed into the substances in the vats.
Mesmer erected several circular vats, each about a foot high, and ex-
|M*rimented with a number of hand-held “connectors” that served as
conduits for the animating (or re-animating) magnetisms.
I There is no doubt that some cures were attained for ailments
Ntrictly physical in their cause, but even more cures were obtained re-
garding illness mental (psychosomatic) in origin. Even Mesmer himself
indicated that his “techniques” better dealt with what we today would
refer to as conditions psychosomatic in origin.
Indeed, as a physician, Mesmer usually, and correctly, first sent
physically ill patients to other doctors, and otherwise accepted them
only if physical remedies were of no effect.
'l l IK KNKKGEHC PHENOMENA OF THE VATS
Although tlm exact material constituents of the circular com-
-mum I vntM have been lost, the nature of the energetic phenomena ex-
perienced by the "patients" has not.
A " described (usually too briefly) in most sources, these phe-
noiiiciui roiiNiated of “violent convulsions, cries, uncontrollable laugh-
<*n«l various physical symptoms”— followed by “lethargy” after which
Lhr cure*" became apparent.
WHAT was cured, and WHY it was, has always remained an
liiHloncal mystery, confounded by expressions of awe, shock, and pro-
r J h ^ ter ? a ' °, D the faCe ° fthe brief descriptions of the phenom-
ena. it is difficult to know what was actually meant by “violent convul-
M.on. Later scientific criteria established “convulsions” as consisting of
quite serious and very painful involuntary contractions of the muscles
during which the nervous system goes haywire, sometimes resulting in
It is also difficult to understand what was meant by “various
physical symptoms,” or even what was meant by “cries” and “laughter."
However, the sum of all of these phenomena quite clearly falls into
the category of catharsis of the ecstatic, or ecstasy, type. And obvi-
ous clues regarding this can be comprehended not by studying the
phenomena but by examining WHO attended upon the vats. Many
had no visible ills to cure. If this particular issue is examined, it will
be seen that they came just for the thrill of experiencing the ani-
mating, magnetic energies.
THE SOCIAL BACKGROUND REGARDING THE VATS
Mesmer’s reputation preceded him to Paris, and once installed
there he acquired numerous supports. Principle among these at first
was .harles d Eslon, medical adviser to the Count d’Artois, brother to
King Louis XVI. This was high patronage, indeed.
In September of 1780, d’Eslon asked the Faculty of Medicine to
confirm Mesmers ideas and techniques, a request that was rejected.
None Ha- less, public enthusiasm and high patronage support
IhkI grown to itnprt'tuitve heights.
In M'li cli 1781. on behalf of the King, no less a personage than
powfiihil Mini* tar do Maurepas offered Mesmer 20,000 livres (a
I ilgnificant amount) — and a further annuity of 10,000 if he establish a
nr I tool and agreed to divulge the “secret” of his “treatments.” Mesmer at
■ first refused, but later accepted a subscription of 340,000 livres for lec-
1 lures to pupils.
With this financial arrangement, Mesmer increased his vat fa-
cilities, and surrounded them with rather impressive environments.
I hese consisted of large rooms noted for the opulence of their furnish-
ings, with enormous reflecting mirrors everywhere, the whole being
I dimly lit.
■ Mesmer and his vat-facilities were mobbed with applicants,
among them vast numbers of the aristocracy and royalty. Many mem-
I oirs of various members of the aristocracy establish that the mob in-
cluded even Queen Marie Antoinette and the whole of her court.
H SPONTANEOUS SEXUAL ORGASM AT THE VATS
It is from some of these memoirs, not consulted by biographers
of Mesmer, that a complete picture of the “convulsive” catharsis is re-
vealed. There is no doubt at all that those holding the connectors often
experienced an aspect of ecstatic catharsis known from ancient times —
some kind of involuntary auto-orgasm in females and auto-ejaculatory
release in males.
I Hence, the connection among the “convulsions,” “cries,” ‘laugh-
ter” and the subsequent ‘lethargy” tend to fall into place— since these
taken altogether are recognizable and familiar constituents of sexual
■ And, indeed, if the “convulsions” had been painful, it is quite
unlikely that applications to sit at the vats would have been any more
numerous than the cases of those willing to try anything and every-
thing to ameliorate their ills.
I MESMERIC TRANCES
I Also known from ancient times, ecstatic catharsis engendered
dramatic and empowering shifts in “levels” of consciousness of the kind
we today would refer to as heightened “altered states” — and during which
many kinds of so-called “paranormal” trance phenomena were experi-
Such phenomena also came to light within many of Mesmer’s
vat participants. But a perpetual confusion has settled in regarding
this matter, in that Mesmeric trance phenomena have been historically
confused with hypnosis. Hypnotism can easily be confused as nn
sion of Mesmeric trance, since it, too, is a type of altered state.
But in actual historical fact, hypnotism as such was not idem I
Tied until about 1842 by the English surgeon, James Braid (1795 I HUH)
Braid first termed the phenomenon as “neuro-hypnotism,” a phmnim
enon that also sometimes aroused involuntary sexualizing activity
Types of hypnotism, however, had earlier been identified in at.
cient Persia and India, with probably even more ancient antecedents In
In any event, Mesmer’s stay in Paris was cut short, leaving
Mesmeric trance phenomena to be investigated by later of his follow
MESMER’S EXPULSION FROM FRANCE
Although a great deal has been written about Mesmer’s expul
sion from France, it remains unclear as to why and how the expulsion
was instigated. \
The official story holds that in 1784, the “French government”
charged the Faculty of Medicine, the Royal Society of Medicine, and the
Academy of Sciences, to examine "animal magnetism.”
Considering the high patronage of Mesmer, which included the I
King, many of his ministers, and significant personages of the Court, it I
is difficult to determine exactly what happened. I
In any event, and whatever the real reasons, nine Commission- I
ers were convened under the presidency of no less than Benjamin I
franklin, then in Paris, and included the astronomer, Jean Sylvain I
Bailly, and the chemist, J. K. Lavater, both esteemed scientists of the I
The Commissioners were restricted to the activity of attempt- I
mg to establish evidence of a new physical force that was claimed as the 1
iigonl of the cures. But it is clear that the actual target was Mesmer
himself, and the actual purpose was to get rid of him.
Tim < 'ommission produced two known reports, but between them
i In' I'niiHeiiHUii among the Commissioners is quite garbled.
!•' i a o k 1 1 n , l or exa mple, recommended further examination of the
oe But King Louis XVI, not known for much in the way of certitude^
L N „ somehow stampeded to order Mesmer’s expulsion from France, am
which was quickly effected.
Mesmer removed himself to Meersburg, Switzerland, were he
„ quiet, unobtrusive life until he died in March 1815. How it was
Itml Mesmer, a veritable supernova, thereafter consented to obscurity
■mains something of a mystery.
CONTINUING SAGA OF MESMERIC PHENOMENA
Even so, and even if he "retired,” the continuing impact of Mes-
merism was itself phenomenal. It is fair enough to say that any written
Account which might do justice to him, and to the remarkable phenom-
ena of Mesmerism, must necessarily fill a number of volumes.
In the twentieth century, something along these lines was at-
tempted by the redoubtable Eric John Dingwall, Ph.D., a Director of
the Department of Psychical Phenomena at the American Society lor
Psychical Research (1921-1922), and Research Officer at the Society for
| Piychical Research (1922-1927).
For many years, Dingwall collected papers published between
1 800 and 1900 recording Mesmeric research and phenomena in France,
Belgium, the Netherlands, Germany, Scandinavia, Russia, Poland, Italy,
Spain, Portugal, Latin America, the United States, and Great Britain.
in 1967-68. „. , ,
H As he described via a masterful understatement: Accounts ol
H alleged paranormal phenomena occurring in the mesmeric and hyp-
■ notic states have been omitted by most writers on hypnotism and de-
■ tails, generally speaking, of this aspect have not so far been published.
H The aim [of the four volumes), therefore, is to raise the curtain on the
■ almost unknown and forgotten activities of the mesmerists of the mne-
■ teenth century, while concentrating on the paranormal aspects oi their
Dingwall gave the four volumes the general, and quite mislead-
■ ing, title of ABNORMAL HYPNOTIC PHENOMENA: A SURVEY OF
■ NINETEENTH-CENTURY cases.
■ Dingwall appears to have been either somewhat ironic, or po-
■ litically cagey, since, as he well understood, mesmeric and hypnotic
I phenomena were never quite synonymous. As it was. hypnotic phenom-
ena were scientifically acceptable, but just so.
In any event, Dingwall’s four volumes give some idea of the enor
rnous extent of the saga of Anton Mesmer and of the GLOBAL scope of
mesmeric phenomena encountered and documented by his successors—
ALL of which, by 1920, had outrageously been caused to vanish into the
modernist landfill of the unscientific.
The Mesmeric phenomena, as so called, were not really to re-
emerge until the Soviet bio-energetic research referred to earlier, and
the Chinese CH’I energetic research of the 1980s- 1990s still to be re-
ferred to later on.
Four years after Anton Mesmer was run out of France, Baron
Karl von Reichenbach (1788-1869) was born in Wurttemberg, not far
from Lake Constance near which Mesmer had been born. In 1788,
Wurttemberg was a city in the autonomous state of Wurttemberg hav-
ing its capital at Stuttgart, the whole of which was later incorporated
into modern Germany.
( | Reichenbach appears to have been something of a political ac-
i ivist during his student days. By the time he was sixteen, Wurttemberg
was under the military’ control of Napoleon, and the young Reichenbach
had formed a secret society with the goal of setting up a Germanic state
in the South Sea Islands.
m For this visionary effort he was duly arrested by the Napoleonic
liolice and for some months held in detention as a political prisoner —
after which he continued his education in natural science, political
economy, and law, ultimately receiving his Ph.D.
I REICHENBACH— INVENTOR-INDUSTRIAUST
Reichenbach proved to be of scientific and industrial substance.
After his education, he traveled in Germany and France investigating
the operations of ironworks, and in 1815 (when he was twenty-seven)
he built and operated his own plant at Villigen in Baden.
He also diversified and built a beet-sugar factory, several blast
furnaces and steelworks, and a large charcoal furnace.
He discovered kerosene, paraffin, and creosote. Kerosene, a coal-
tar product earlier known as coal oil, quickly became of enormous im-
portance throughout the world because of its wide use, before commer-
cial electricity, in kerosene lamps.
Today, kerosene is mostly used as a carrier in insecticide spray
and as a fuel in jet engines. Paraffin and creosote were to have equal
importance in other areas.
By 1835, Reichenbach had accumulated considerable wealth and
a widely respected scientific reputation as a brilliant chemist, inventor
and industrialist, as well as a noted authority on meteorites und i»J
He had also taken a deep interest in “physico-physiologic*! m
search on the dynamics of magnetism, electricity, heat, light, ri v«uj|
zation, and chemicals in their relation to emanations of vital fun » “
Reichenbachs name would be erased from most modern hint
nes because of this particular interest. So it is difficult to amort*
when the interest began or under what circumstances it did. ^
Almost certainly he would have been familiar with metuiMrlt
research. But it also seems quite likely that he had independently *i«
countered magnetic phenomena both inorganic and organic of a I yin
which, in his mind, did not exactly equate with the so-called nnuimj
magnetism of the Mesmerists.
In any event, Reichenbach detached his work from animal mag
netism by designating the “emanations of vital force” as OD.
He derived this strange term from Odin (or Woden), the chief
Norse god who established the laws that governed the universe and
controlled the destiny of man. Odin also was kept busy as the god ol
war, learning, and magic.
As a word, Od seems to have presented verbal difficulties, so it
was later elaborated more clearly as Odic force, or Odyle energy. How
ever since the “magnetic force” of Mesmer and the “Odic force” of
Reichenbach both refer to "a force which permeates the whole of na
ture, it is difficult to discern differences, if any, between them.
REICHENBACH’S EXPERIMENTS IN ODIC SENSITIVITY
A major characteristic of Reichenbachs work illuminates the
scope of his interest in what sensitive humans are actually sensitive to.
With regard to this, it is quite possible that Reichenbach was attracted
l o magnetic sensitivity by examples of water- witching (water dowsing),
I lu* successes of which he had observed on many occasions.
An impressive line-up of experiments along the lines of sensi
l-vily became visible at about 1839 when Reichenbach was fifty-one
"•el bad achieved the status of a matured and respected scientist.
Between 1839 and 1850, Reichenbach designed and conducted
„l« Involving some two-hundred "ordinary people drawn from
,, of life" who had demonstrated some kind of sensitivity.
H< dims of these experienced “specific reactions to the proximity
t people" in the form of “feelings of pleasant coolness” or drowsi-
, „ dmagreonble, or numbing, or “exciting feelings.”
„f the individuals also “manifested a special right-hand/
, clarity” which affected their reactions to other people stand-
•0 1 mg or sleeping near to their right of left sides.
A disproportionate number of the sensitives demonstrated sym-
with the color blue, an antipathy with yellow, particular food le-
nd sensitivity to certain metals, and were unpleasantly affected
Unite a number of such sensitives could "see" emanations from
i H |h and magnets in total darkness, and detect alternations in elec-
i orient. They could also perceive an aura (energy field) emanating
»nd surrounding the physical body.
With empirical precision still acceptable today, Reichenbach
acted hundreds of experiments involving crystals, magnets and the
Ituiim n body. His principle goal seems to have consisted of examining
frjl, Odic force with regard (1) to its relationship to electricity, magne-
. and chemistry; and (2) to what extent the force was perceptible to
The Od, Odyle or Odic force was perceptible to sensitives,
kuichenbach’s experimental sensitives usually sat in totally dark rooms
In which he also placed another completely silent individual, a type of
Crystal, metal or chemical. These experimental procedures resulted in
Is. th quantitative and qualitative data such as enumerated below.
f i Various substances radiating the Odic force were perceived via
B vague or strong feelings of heat or cold.
2 Sensitives possessing more refined or greater sensmg/perceiv-
I ing capabilities might perceive “the odic light,”described as a
I clear flame of definite color issuing from metals, crystals and
V chemicals and poles of magnets.
I 3 The Odic force could also be seen issuing from the main parts ot
■ the human body, the fingertips, mouth, hands, forehead, teet,
and BLEEP! The Odic force could also be seen surroundinii i|J
body entire as a colored “mist” or “smoke.” H
4 The Odic force could also be seen over new graves. ■
5 The force could be conducted to distances by all solid and
6 Bodies, however, could be “charged” with greater or
amounts of Od at given times, but the Od was apparently 1 1 mt|l
ferred from one body to another by contact with inorganic, rryfll
talline and metallic substances, and physical touching of nil
ganic bodies. However, mere proximity, without contact. w«l
sufficient to produce influencing charges between bodies. 1
7 Reichenbach noted that the “odic tension" (charge, as in a l*J
tery), varied during the day, diminished with hunger, incrujiaaj
after a meal, diminished at sunset, and increased before niu!
during daybreak. |
Reichenbach worked with colleagues who ensured the design*
and controls of the experiments, and with sensitives who were also “per.
sons in perfect health.”
In one such case, the sensitive Prof. D. Endlicher of Vienna saw
"unsteady flames forty inches high” on the poles of an electromagnet
the flames exhibiting numerous colors, and ending in a luminous smoko,
which rose to the ceiling and illuminated it.
Reichenbach, a chemist, attempted to evolve a nomenclature
for the odic force regarding which source the energy radiated or flowed
from— “crystalod, electrod, photod, thermod," and so on.
He also insisted that the “odic flame” was a material something,
and that it could be affected by breath or a current of air.
Some sensitives perceived more complex odic phenomena re-
garding the human body, including rays, beams and undulating lights.
Home of Reichenbach’s sensitives could tell whether a female was pre-
menstrual, menstrual, or pregnant, and how the mother’s odic forces
were interacting with the unborn child.
As one description along these lines, “the mother's pores are
"I'en." and from them exude an odic emanation.
The emanations develop themselves into “electricity” upon their
l J»e body- Objects or events making “violent impression” on
' mind are incorporated in the mother’s outgoing Odyle force.
I li" ami lim ( )dyl e force now contained an “odic image” of the object or
_ ■ „ Reichenbach-. terminology is understood erectly the odic
1. .oinehow reverse-projected into the developing Odyle
F' In any event, sotneof Reichenbach-. sensitive, quite easily could
Lungui.h between the Odyles of the mother and the fetus.
I One of the situations Reichenbach occasionally had to (teal .with
>,,,,,re fndeTr8?el^rtuncommon that others bes.des the
annsitives felt “odic electricity” because “disturbingly areused^ and som
Shin sensitive, fell into “temporary convulsion, and were depleted
E rward. Some also lost weight.
Some male and female sensitives could tell whether males were
“ Ve SS. records, however, indicate in delicate term, that
female sensitives refused do SfZStPSZ
™aretruot Lthered with active femaie odic ener-
s, and seemed to enjoy their presence.
■ ENERGIES PHOTOGRAPHIC
Subsequent to Reichenbach’s work, a full part of the saga of
l ■ energies, magnetic or otherwise, then commenced in Boston, Mass.
Therein resided one William H. Mumler. who, in 1861, was head
migraver at Bigelow, Kennard & Co., a firm dealing in jewelry. Like
mtiny designers of the time, he had become interested in photography.
One day, in a friend’s studio, he tried to take a photograph of
Wmself by focusing the camera on an empty chair and then leaping into
llit chair after uncapping the lens.
When the plate was developed, an extraneous figure was dis-
[ ft covered sitting in the chair— a young, transparent girl with her lower
parts fading into a dim mist. Mumler recognized the transparent figure
■ «« a young cousin who had died twelve years earlier.
The experiment was repeated several times. A number ol hx-
Iras could be discerned — faces, transparent ligures or parts of them,
and other luminous "lights" appearing in many hut not all of the photo-
Mumler and several others became satisfied that the extras on
i In' plates were spiritual in origin. This gave birth to the concept of
? “spirit photography,” and which quickly became a hot and emotional
fashion, eagerly joined in by this or that scam artist.
I A great hubbub immediately followed. Many professional pho-
tographers made the most scrupulous examination of the materials
Mumler had used.
As it turned out, it didn’t matter if Mumler used his own mate-
rials or those of others, or even if fresh materials were introduced at the
Inst moment before the photographs were taken.
Good spirit photos were achieved in the presence of profession-
hIn quite prepared to doubt their authenticity. But it seems that the
spirits were themselves prepared to be photographed, some of whom
worn recognized by some of the doubters.
* ur With no identifiable fraud detected, Mummer’s authenticity
established-, mmediately after which he became vogue and did t,„
Eventually, an unproved accusation of fakery was broiii-l.l
agamst him A scandal developed, and Mumler transferred his activl.
les to New York City where he prospered until another accusation of
rraud was raised by a newspaper. I
v L u This time Mumler wa s arrested— by order of the Mayor of N.-w
, Y « r i H °: eV !\ a “ he trial 3 number of professional photographers Umm
tified on his behalf and Mumler was acquitted. Even so, he died in pov-
erty in lo84.
• k j t M ^ ml , er ’ 8 Photographs had created a sensation that many
wished to duplicate or get in on. Many professional and unprofessional
photographers set about experimenting-and some, of course, set about
creating wildly ersatz fabrications.
Even if not provided by newspersons themselves (as some were )
fake photos exposed as such made for good mainstream news copy de
claiming against the authenticity of all such photographs.
,.n„ s „ 0 | E f Ve ik S °’ T ny e “ tbusiastic Photographers obtained nothing
tn Tin f h k 6,r ^ ° therS n0t obtainin e recognizable spirits had
to settle for the unexpected appearance of weird lights, illuminations
and emanations streaming from sitters fingers, heads, or other body
parts, or auras wavering around their bodies, and etc.
Some photographs revealed swoops of lights that had no appar-
ent connection to the sitters being photographed, and seemed to origi
nate from a source outside the photographic frame. Sometimes there
were mists or fogs wandering too and fro.
i . such Phenomena, appearing on the photographic plates
could not be accounted for by fraud or trickery, they were interpreted ns
presenting such things as magnetism, radiations, subtle fluid, digital
N aUriC Ught ’ 3811-31 b ° dy ’ thou S ht waves, mid
N-rays— and lastly, lights in areas not mentionable in print.
N-rays (now forgotten about) were a type of ray thought by some
h unceasingly ermuint.ng, whether strongly or weakly, from the phys,
body, which could interact and interpenetrate both inorganic and
im tfnnic matter.
I It was also somewhat determined that the person of the pho-
bic rnpher was somehow involved as having special kind of “energy”
l Imt permitted the strange luminous phenomena. Indeed, something
like this had occasionally been noted throughout history in the cases of
people that attracted or convenienced energetic events.
I As an aside, in the early twentieth century there was the case
i.l the famous Austrian-American physicist, Wolfgang Pauli (1900-1958),
who in 1925 was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics for enunciating
1 In* Kxclusion Principle, and who in 1931 was the first to postulate the
uabtence of the neutrino.
Pauli, however, hardly ever worked in or near a laboratory—
I - cause his mere presence, even if 200 feet distant, caused equipment
In act up and not perform as expected. Then there are those individuals
• .over permitted in an X-ray lab because something about them exposes
the X-ray film.
K Although the pro and con polemics of spirit photography grew
heated, both sides generally agreed (albeit for different motives) that
i he photographed phenomena were emanations unknown to physical
I With science to back them up, critics ponderously declaimed
that since the emanations were not known to physical science, they
obviously “could not exist" and were thus unscientific.
| Tb this, proponents of the emanations indicated that science
hud not yet discovered everything.
| But in the light of mainstream cohesion, this was considered a
weak argument, since a fairly large proportion of scientists and their
sycophants held to the view that at any given time science HAD discov-
ifed everything that was important.
| This, of course, was merely a fallacy within the social aspects of
science — and, however empty of substance, social aspects can always
hi* smoothed over and made to look okay.
As it was, photographs of emanations, etc., began to pile up in
i lu* United States. The exciting vogue for such photos reached England,
the first on record there being produced in 1872 by one Frederick A.
Hudson. The photographic excitement swiftly reached France, Germany,
Italy, and even Russia.
While all this sensational, and now international, hubbub
cascading around Europe, in England PSYCHIC FORCE was ul
fied and named at about 1869_as we will review in the next chn
But if the world did not yet comprehend what psychic force was (it
a new term), the world DID know what photographs were. ■
THOUGHT PHOTOGRAPHY (I
, • * T® ?° mt m a11 this P hot °graphic furor, and to further c.
plicate the already complicated issues involved, it began to be obser
that images of individuals STILL LIVING sometimes appeared in „
tos taken miles away. v .
n , Ind , e n ed ; ® short re P° rt Provided by the Comte de Bullet, <li.
NATURF-tn th \ W&S t u Ubl * 8had in the Periodical entitled HUM,
* he effect that the Comte had obtained on a plate in Pom
the double of his sister who lived across the Atlantic Ocean in Bald
After more of the living appeared in spirit photographs far mill
wide, the concept of “thought photography” came into existence. Bui It
was not at all understood how the “spirit” of the living could transl,.!,,
across distances as great as oceans. 1
So it seemed most sensible (to some anyway) to assume that
the images came from the thoughts of the photographer-although „„
T ! a h ° W ° r L why they should translat « ^ the photograph,,,
plates in the photographer s proximity.
With this development, a situational crisis subtly arose that
was rather frightening within the larger contexts of the societal statu.
That spirit photography might have relevance to the actual ,-x
■stence of spirits was bad enough. However, the emergence of thought
Photography was far worse. It created a crisis that has never been given
the attention it deserves.
^ C °; ld reaaone d, and it was, that if the thoughts of a person
uu Id actually effect the chemical molecules on a photographic plate
ben from an easily recognized scientific principle, there was little stand-
g m the way of a persons thoughts affecting the chemical molecule*
m the bruins of other people.
In other words, here was direct physical evidence that thoughts.
ime as yet scientifically unknown energetic activity, could be trans-
I, at least to photographic plates.
But the implications beyond this were clear enough and they
again cracked open the tightly shut doors of what we today might
Indeed, such a prospect had been of modernist societal concern
That Renaissance luminary had indicated that: By the magic
„r Of the will, a person on this side of the ocean may make a person
he other side hear what is said on this side . . . the ethereal body of
man may know what another man thinks at a distance of 100 miles or
Since the time of Paracelsus the mechanism of this transmis-
whether oceanic or merely 100 miles, was thought to be a mag-
fluid that interacted with “sympathetic systems of consciousness,
.1 which fluid had the power to “conquer time and space.
I In this sense, then, one could bet one’s bottom dollar that the
lorn societal mainstreams, very much maintained on ensuring the
.ary of thoughts, wanted nothing along such lines to be demonstrated
proven by any form of veridical evidence. And, as but one preventive
iimBure, mainstream funding was, by common unspoken mainstream
, nimensus, to be withheld from any who proposed to proceed gathering
1 Thus, even though scads of photos were tested again and again
by photographic experts, ultimately including those of Kodak, etc., any
veridical evidence the photos conclusively demonstrated was simply
1*° Even so, various daring researchers set about making even more
i . markable escapades regarding the energies photographic.
Most notable (for a while, at least) among these was one
llyppolite Baraduc (1850-?), described as a “psychic” researcher who
made “interesting experiments in thought photography.
However, he made excursions beyond mere thought photogra-
phy by constructing Baraduc’s biometer, an instrument that indicated
ili,. action of “a nervous force and other unknown vibrations outside the
In 1895. Baraduc addressed a communication on these subjects
to thr I' ranch Academy of Medicine, although the Academy had not at
all changed its view of magnetic fluids, etc., since the time of Anton
Mourner s expulsion from Paris about a hundred years earlier.
Undaunted. Baraduc then published, in 1896, announcements
■ri ^?o r r;,° b ^ Vatl ° n8 ’ and photos in a book ent »tled IMAGES OF
THE COSMIC OD VITAL FORCE.
quickly fo,low e<i this, in 1897, with PHOTOGRAPHS OF
H YPERVIBRATORY STATES OF HUMAN VITALITY— and in the same
^ e n!^ e , t ,J^ 0 , t !i er astoni shing publication entitled HUMAN RADIO-
GILM HIC SYSTEM. (In French, the term RADIOGRAPHIE refers to
X-rays, and so it is probable that N-rays are actually implied here.)
Apparent y, Baraduc had earlier trekked into a project yielding
photographic evidence he claimed proved that “something misty and
vaporous leaves the human body at the moment of death.”
This evidence was provided in yet a THIRD 1897 book rather
danngiy entitled: THE HUMAN SOUL. ITS INVISIBLE FLUIDIC
MOVEMENTS, ILLUMINATIONS, AND IMAGES. (An updated ver-
sion of this was later published in English in 1913.)
With little to suggest much in the way of catching his breath.
Baraduc s photographic enthusiasms seemed to have escalated
He soon went on, in 1904, to publish fresh photographic evi-
dence in a book entitled: VIBRATIONS OF HUMAN VITALITY.
This was immediately followed, in 1905, with THE VITAI
FORCE: OUR VITAL FLUIDIC BODY, A BAROM ETRIC MODEL
When Baraduc s young son, Andre, died in 1907, he apparently
was able to transcend at least some of his grief. When the young body
was laid out in its coffin, Baraduc successively photographed it— with
the result that “radiations of a formless mist" were shown extending
outward from the coffin.
Then, when some six month’s later Baraduc’s wife lay dying he
sH up his cameras at her deathbed and photographed her as she died.
he photos revealed “three luminous spheres emitting thin fingers of
liKht just above her body.
Another photograph taken fifteen minutes later showed the
' h "’" K '° ’? Wealing the corpse’s head.” Further, “lum.-
noun cord* could lie xeen around them.
Three and a half hours later, the united globes while emitting
“cold breezes" then separated from the body and eventually floated away
from it and finally disappeared.
The photographic plates of these two sad events were examined
and reexamined with the certitude they would be debunked. No profes-
sional was ever able to do so, and so they remain among the most dra-
matic photographs ever taken.
Meanwhile, at about 1908, experiments with thought photog-
raphy were taking place elsewhere — and as far away as Japan.
Dr. T. Fukurai, Professor of Kohyassan University, and formerly
Professor at the Imperial University of Tokyo, was conducting thought-
photography experiments with Mrs. Nagao, Miss Tetsuko Moritake, Mrs.
Sadako Takahashi, Mrs. Tenshin Takeuchi, and a Mr. Kohichi Mita —
all of whom had demonstrated “mediumistic” capabilities.
Dr. Fukurai published a report showing photographic evidence
of emanations, and then went so far as to declare that “clairvoyance is a
He was thereupon forced to resign from the University in 1913.
Eventually his reports were translated into English in 1921 under the
title CLAIRVOYANCE AND THOUGHTOGRAPHY. Thereafter, this
early Japanese effort passed unnoticed into historical obscurity.
SEXUAL ENERGY PHOTOGRAPHS?
This author has it on very substantial authority that many
sexual energy photographs were acquired, and ultimately found their
way into private collections especially in Europe — and which, alas, have
not been viewed by me. But it is easy enough to accept their most prob-
For one thing, researchers wishing to capture energies on pho-
tographic plates could not have been completely unaware that sexual
activity produced ecstatic energy states and that these might be suit-
able for their photographic attempts.
For another thing, even though polite decorum was superficially
maintained on social surfaces between 1875 and 1914, Paris, Berlin
and London were noted for their fabulously vivid pornographic activi-
ties behind and beneath the prim social surfaces.
In Biiradiicn case, anyone who had the equanimity to photo-
graph his dead son and his dying wife clearly could have faced up to the
rigors of photographing all types of erotic situations, including copula
tion and orgasm — this, of course, in the hope that some kind of invisible
energies would become photographically apparent.
In any event, several knowledgeable researchers claimed that
such photographs were achieved by Baraduc, and there seems little
reason to doubt it.
In reviewing the tales of Anton Mesmer and Reichenbach as
briefly as we have, it is easy enough to get the mistaken idea they rep-
resent two isolated sets of unimportant circumstances.
This is how they have been treated by modern historians, scien-
tists and psychologists alike, and so it seems that societal forces have
properly established their non-importance.
However, if one draws together any and all past work that might
have bearing on the nature of human energetics, it will soon be seen
that the literature in this regard is massive, and that Mesmer and
Reichenbach were not isolated examples of it.
The totality of such work is so massive that it cannot conve-
niently be incorporated into a book such as this, or in fact be mcorpo^
rated into a single book unless it would consist of several thousand
Indeed, when Eric J. Dingwall, the stalwart historian of psychi-
cal research, attempted to collect and publish the work of the n,nt ;
teenth century mesmerists who carried on after the death of Anton
Mesmer, he ultimately needed four volumes to do so.
Those four volumes, published in 1967 - 1968 , establish that se-
rious and careful work took place in France, Belgium, the Netherlands,
Germany, Scandinavia, Russia, Poland, Italy, Spain, Portugal. Latin
America, the United States, and Great Britain.
Although Dingwall’s four volumes are given the title o( ABNOR-
MAL HYPNOTIC PHENOMENA, the actual topic is along the lines ol
unusual energetic phenomena brought to light via various kinds of al-
tered states of consciousness.
Dingwall also brought together, in private, a large collection of
sexual materials. Behind the more public scenes of Psi research, this is
referred to as his “pornographic collection.”
He kept this collection quite close to his chest. But in corre-
spondence to me, he indicated that a good portion of it included docu-
ments regarding sexualizing energies encountered while conducting
mesmeric and psychical research. In fact it was Dingwall K
gested that a book should be written by “some daring soul.” ° ^
dered w^he'whole! ° f £f 8t ener ^ etic ^search, it is to be won-
ered why the whole of it has been ignored and excised from modern
^ha t M SC16nCe a ?l P8ych ° l0gy - In a °y event > the scope of it establishes
that Mesmer and Reichenbach were NOT isolated examples In fact
and r gni d ed ^
and Amerindian shamans and “medicine” persons. '
Thus, it would seem that anyone seriously investigating
ZZ7TTu W0Uld SO d" COme t0 face P henomena not all that differ-
nt from what Mesmer, Reichenbach and many others encountered
MODERN PSYCHICAL RESEARCH
On the noble surface of modern psychical research it um„ia
s»m that it. worker, never encountered LualL^7h e no m L
such is not the case at all. Indeed, it might be said that psychical re
wTretidri at6r ParaP3yCh ° l0gy ' P ° SSeSS quite lar ^ e in which
hidden various phenomena not tolerated by societal mainstreams.
Z y be de “ that * - ^Zz at ,x
search i* W °* COmmenced under the general idea that psychical re-
a ch was an important science within whose scope numerous phe
could be studied ”“ hi " »■ *— i of
However, in actuality the SPR was founded principally to ex
SpiritUrrin^sori a " d . aS ‘ onishin g Phenomena encountered in
required brief background review of Spiritualism is now
The full story of Spiritualism which, in the modern West, rose
and fell between 1845 and 1932, is a strange tale of epic proportions —
so much so that few have ever managed to do it justice.
Public interest in it went into decline during the 1930s. But
during its earlier history, many astonishing mental and energetic phe-
nomena associated with mediums often made headline news, sometimes
on a daily basis.
There are two ways to remember Spiritualism— the simple and
the complicated way.
The simple way identifies it as a belief involving spirits and
departed souls — who, via a living medium, provide compelling evidence
of their continuing existence and give messages to those yet living.
However, had conversations with the departed been all there
was to Spiritualism, then it is unlikely it would have obtained the enor-
mous and long-term celebrity it did.
It is therefore quite clear that other exceedingly dramatic phe-
nomena associated with Spiritualism triggered its high profile. Getting
a grasp on the “dramatic phenomena” is a somewhat complicated task,
especially in brief form.
ASTONISHING PHENOMENA OF SPIRITUALISM
As distinguished from communicating with spirits, the phenom-
ena of Spiritualism fell into two main categories, rather loosely defined
as MENTAL and PHYSICAL.
The mental phenomena might have been discounted as such.
But the physical phenomena were another matter.
The list of such physical phenomena is quite long and varied,
and in many cases thoroughly documented by numerous researchers of
high repute, and working in different decades and in different coun-
tries. To itemize but a few examples:
• Movement of objects without contact, vibratory effects, increases
and decreases in weight
• Levitation of the human body
• Materialization and dematerialization
• Biological phenomena — influencing the growth of plants appar-
ently by vital bodily emanations or by other unknown means
• Chemical phenomena— unexplainable lights, perfumes, catalyt ic
action, production of water, production of photographs of invin
• Electrical phenomena — discharge of electroscopes, phenomena
suggestive of human energy radiations
• Thermo-dynamic effects — variations of temperature, increase*
of heat in apported objects, the penetration of matter through
matter, detectable currents of wind and air, touches of invisible
• Perception of auras, energy fields, energy flows or streams
• Clairvoyance in all of its variegated forms
• A long list of various kinds of magnetic and biomagnetic phe-
• A long list of energetic phenomena transferred across spaces,
around impediments, and through material obstruction
Faced with these phenomena, at about 1858 early researchers
began to recognize that the human organism was somehow bound up
with a “force” that operated beyond the periphery of the physical body —
and yet had impact on physical matter.
The “force” needed a descriptive name, of course, and one of the
earlier suggestions was “exo-neural action of the brain”— “exo” mean-
ing outside of.
This suggestion was immediately resisted by many scientists,
especially by brain researchers, who scoffed at such research and had
no desire to become involved in any exo-neural prospects.
In explanation of this, the approved scientific view took it for
granted that nothing existed outside of the body’s skin, and thus exo-
neural activity was not possible in the first place. Indeed, it was not
until about 150 years later that the real existence of bio-electromatic
fields outside of the skull was confirmed.
In any event, the term "exo-neural” was conceptually and pho-
netically difficult, and it is understandable why it never caught on.
In about I MU I in France, the then famous astronomer, Camille
Flamnuirion (Imi ’ I1IVSA), may have been the first to suggest the term
PSYCHIC as a leplaremcnt for exo-neural. However, it didn’t catch on
in Franco until decades later, and never caught on in Germany.
In England, though, Edward William Cox (1809-1879), a law-
yer by profession, seems to have been the first to suggest the term in
English. Cox may have been interested in phenomena earlier, but his
concentrated research seems to have taken place only in the last de-
cade of his life.
Cox was a member of the London Dialectical Society, formed
in 1869 to examine and report on the alleged spiritual communica-
tions of mediums whose population was definitely on the rise.
The members of the Dialectical Society originally intended to
do away with the “Claims of Spiritualism.” But in the end, their famous
report on SPIRITUALISM published in 1871 noted substantial corrobo-
ration, especially as regards the physical phenomena.
Cox did not accept the “spirit” hypothesis, and instead argued
for the existence of a “force” that would explain many forms of the physi-
His idea regarding the nature of this force was first presented,
in 1872 in a booklet entitled SPIRITUALISM SCIEN1 IFICALLY EX-
AMINED WITH PROOFS OF THE EXISTENCE OF A PSYCHIC
FORCE, and later he enlarged his ideas in a book entitled THE MECHA-
NISM OF MAN (1876).
Cox is best remembered in the literature for his work with Sir
William Crookes and their first experiments with the already interna-
tionally renowned Spiritualistic superstar, Daniel Dunglas Home
(1833-1886). . .
So extraordinary where the phenomena emanating in the pres-
ence of Home that he certainly deserved the high acclaim given him as
the "greatest physical medium in the history of modern spiritualism.
And, perhaps more aptly put, in the history of anything anywhere For
example, he was thoroughly documented as floating in a horizontal po-
sition in and out of third floor windows.
Sir William Crookes (1832-1919) had taken deep interest in
physical phenomena. After earlier witnessing remarkable demonstra-
tions by other mediums, and then by Home. Crookes arranged to con-
duct some experiments with him. .
Crookes was already recognized as one of the greatest physi-
cists of his time, and had received many honors. He had been president
at different times of the Royal Society, the Chemical Society, the Insti-
tution of Electrical Engineers, etc. He had discovered thallium, was the
inventor of the radiometer, spinthariscope, the Crookes tube, etc. He
was the founder of the CHEMICAL NEWS, and editor of the QUAR-
TERLY JOURNAL OF SCIENCE.
When Crookes indicated that he would enter into investigation
of the phenomena of Spiritualism, the press and many important scien-
tists received the announcement with jubilation— since it was taken for
granted that Crookes would clearly show the phenomena as “humbug.”
A somewhat complicated series of experiments with Home then
followed, usually in the evenings in a large room illuminated by gas-
One of the principle objectives was to discover if the force had
properties capable of impacting on physical matter. This involved a
number of different kinds of apparatus, some more simply constructed
Among more elaborate equipment designed to measure the
physical existence of the invisible force, one end of a long mahogany
board was placed on the edge of a desk, the other end supported by a
spring balance and strain gauge hanging from a substantial tripod stand.
The board was supported in a way that prevented movement of it by
Home would sit at the desk and place his fingers lightly on the
end of the board and focus his “force” into the board causing the other
end to move up or down. The strain gauge would indicate the motion,
indicating the measurable existence of the “force.”
Cox was an observer of the experiments with Crookes and Home,
and as a result he was able to write as follows:
'7 noticed that the force was exhibited in tremulous pulsations,
• I ml not in the form of steady, continuous pressure, the indicator rising
and /ailing incessantly throughout the experiment.
"The fact seems to me one of great significance as tending to
' -on firm the opinion that assigns its source to the nerve organization,
nth l it goes far to establish Dr. Richardson's (another researcher/ impor-
tant discovery of a nerve atmosphere of various intensity enveloping the
7 WOU/d recommend the adoption for it ft he “force ’’/of some ap-
/UHfinate name, and / venture to suggest that the force be termed Psy-
chic hure, tin- persons to whom it is manifested in extraordinary power
fawhn s, and the science relating to it Psychism as being a branch of
SENSATIONS ASSOCIATED WITH THE PSYCHIC FORCE
Along with other researchers corresponding with Sir William
Crookes about their own experiments with the psychic force, a Dr.
Crawford soon reported at least four different forms of it, and described
the sensations it could produce both around the medium and persons
1 A sensation of cool breezes, generally over the hands
2 The sensation of a slight tingling in the palm of the hands,
and at the tips of the fingers, near the mounts
3 The sensation of a sort of current through the body
4 The sensation of a “spider’s web" in contact with the hands and
feet, and other parts of the body, notably the back and the loins
[loins being the Victorian code word for genitals.] The sensation
of the passing through of a current is feeble, but the interrup-
tion is easily felt.
The research with the physical aspects of the psychic force went
on for some time, and ultimately the highly respected Sir William
Crookes prepared his report. If the mainstream scientists and the press
were hopeful that Crooks would trash the phenomena, they were to be
disappointed. For, as Crooks concluded in the introduction to his final
“Of all persons endowed with a powerful development of this
Psychic Force. Mr. Daniel Dunglas Home is the most remarkable and it
ig mainly owing to the many opportunities I have had in carrying on my
investigation in his presence that I am enabled to affirm so conclusively
the existence of this force.”
Here it now must be recalled that Sir William Crookes was
ranked as of the top scientists in Kngland at the time. Therefore, he
was not a gullible idiot, and he should have been accepted with some
He submitted his report to the Royal Society on June 15, 1871.
But in that “Crookes had not demonstrated the fallacy of the
alleged marvels of Spiritualism," the report was refused and even the
inscription of the title of the paper in the Society’s publications was
It was only in the July, 1871, issue of the QUARTERLY JOUR-
NAL OF SCIENCE that the public became acquainted with the first
account of Crookes’ observations.
The scientists of the time might have rejected the implications
of Crookes’ work. But not the public. A rash of well-attended “sittings"
with mediums exploded everywhere, perhaps not so much to witness
the phenomena, but to obtain first-and experience of the tremulous pul-
sations in “the vicinity of the loins.”
SEXUALIZING ENERGIES OF THE PSYCHIC FORCE
Unlike Crookes’ experiments, clearly illuminated by gaslight,
most psychic force mediumistic sessions were held in completely dark
rooms. This enabled many sitters to report seeing various kinds of lu-
minous energies not only coming out of the mediums, but arriving
through the walls from elsewhere.
As a caution, though, numerous of the “mediums” involved were
opportunistic frauds and tricksters, bent on profit taking from the gull-
ible. Most of these were exposed as such, but there remained a large
number of experiments set up by individuals of high repute and con-
ducted under exacting controls.
One distinction that separated the real medium from the fake
ones had to do with energy sensations felt by those attending the se-
ances. Such energy sensations could become quite powerful regarding
I he real mediums, but were generally absent in the presence of the fakes,
no matter how dramatic was their trickery otherwise.
A real seance seems to have been a trying affair. It was not
iimiMiiul for the medium producing the psychic force to end up exhausted
depleted. However, they were prevented from falling onto the floor
l "" •■hoir hands, feet, arms, and torsos had been firmly tied and
tn pad to their chairs to prevent trickery.
In any event, we are not so much interested in what the medi-
um** did, hut what the witnesses reported experiencing. What they
lb reported wore energies, either felt and/or seen.
M aorta ill descriptions of the energies abound in the literature
•oi’lt MM Id nil see a stream of pale gray matter, like fog or
steam from a kettle, oozing from her [the medium] fingers. It was shaped
like rods, about a foot long and an inch thick. The gray material could
extend and contract.”
There is little reason to wallow in doubt about this kind of thing,
because in later years many reported much the same while drunk or
enjoying recreational drugs.
A Dr. Crawford (whose biographical details are not well recorded)
subsequently produced a theory about the psychic force emanations.
This theory is slightly complex, so you have to follow it slowly.
“Operators / the mediums and/or their excarnate guides] are
acting on the brain of the sitters, and thence on their nervous systems.
Small particles, it may even be molecules, are driven off the nervous sys-
tem. out through the bodies of the sitters’ arms, wrists, hands, fingers, or
‘These small particles, now free, have a considerable amount of
latent energy inherent in them, an energy which can react on any hu-
man nervous systems with which they come into contact.
‘This stream of energized particles flows around the circle ]of
the sitters] probably partly on the periphery of their bodies. The stream,
bv gradual augmentation from the [combined/ sitters, reaches the me -
dium at an high degree of ‘tension, ’energizes her f the medium], receives
an increment from her, traverses the circle again, and so.
“Finally, when the ‘tension’ is sufficiently great, the circulating
process ceases, and the energized particles collect on or are attached to
the nervous system of the medium . . . "/from whose body now extended
the psychic energy forces which could be felt /seen by others.]
Aside from the fact that the above took place in a mediumistic
seance, and that the energies were often seen in a literal sense, it seems
useless to doubt much in this regard.
The reason is that even under usual circumstances, many people
report sensing or feeling energies of others. This is especially the case if
the situation involved has become highly charged— such as in combat
and sexual situations.
SEXUAL ENERGY DISPLAYS DURING SEANCES
During the seances, many strange phenomena sometimes oc-
curred which were not generally discussed or put officially into print.
Sometimes, female mediums or sitters achieved spontaneous
orgasm, which left them “exhausted.” If male, they suffered erections of
the male appendage, and sometimes spontaneously ejaculated in their
undergear or trousers.
Thereby, the concept of “tremulous pulsations of psychic force”
took on new, if unofficial, potency — such as “tremulous pulsations of
sexual force” that can rattle not only boards hooked up to strain gauges,
but also erotically stimulate, to the point of achieving sexualizing ec-
stasy, the autonomic nervous systems of bio-bodies as well.
Indications of this kind of thing are present in many reports,
but in a way most people today will not recognize.
During Victorian times, proper people did not refer to sexual
energies, and they seldom utilized the word “sex." But large numbers of
sitters confessed themselves “disturbed” by the psychic force. “Dis-
turbed,” of course, was a Victorian code word for what we today would
call horny and/or sexually aroused.
In any event, certain researchers tried to estimate physical ef-
fects of the psychic force on the mediums and sitters. It was soon dis-
covered that both the medium and sitters lost “dynametric force” — mean-
ing that their muscles became lethargic and somnolent.
Instantaneous weight losses also occurred. Dr. Crawford re-
ported putting his experimental sitters on the scale and found that their
loss of weight at the end of the seance was greater than the weight lost
by the medium. The sitters lost, on average, five to ten ounces “and
were more exhausted than the medium.”
An Admiral Moore, a sitter, complained of a “drain of vitality.”
One of the reasons that Lord Adare earlier retired from sittings with
the famous male medium, Daniel Dunglas Home, was because he be-
came so “disturbed" that he couldn’t concentrate and was soon physi-
A Colonel Rochas described a case of levitation by psychic force
with the famous female medium, Eusapia Paladino (1854-1918). He
indicated that “we ought to add that one of the persons who was quite
clime to the table almost completely fainted away, not from emotion, but
through disturbed weakness.”
Rochas also said that “he felt drained of his strength as the
rumill n! Kurapia’s efforts.” A supply of smelling salts was usually kept
handy for psychic force seances.
Eusapia Paladino frequently insisted she be nude for her se-
ances, and in her trances demanded sexual insertions from those males
she sensed had achieved psychic force erections.
Naturally, male researchers and sitters were eager to be at her
seances, always held behind locked doors. It is on record that the wives
of the male attendees hated Eusapia with an hysterical passion that
sometimes escaped Victorian decorum.
A certain researcher (or sitter) named Frere wrote that “The
operators [the spirit guides of a medium] often speak of lines of force, of
a vibratory synchronization. All our sensations are accompanied by a
development of potential energy which passes into a kinetic state and
externalizes itself in motor manifestations.
“Motor manifestations” referred to excitatory, but involuntary,
physical activity, such as muscle spasms. But in many cases of sitters
and observers, it also referred particularly to involuntary sexual arousal
and climaxial experiencing in the vicinity of the “loins.”
SEXUAI JZING AROUSAL SIMILARITY OF
ANIMAL MAGNETISM, ODIC FORCE, AND PSYCHIC FORCE
At this point, the similarities of sexualizing arousal so far dis-
cussed hardly need much further elucidation except to elaborate a bit
more about why they occurred within the particular circumstances they
While it is true that sexual arousal can occur because of mental
associations to erotic stimuli, this kind of arousal by itself seldom ends
up in spontaneous or involuntary climaxing.
Thus, the sexualizing similarity involves the occurrence of the
spontaneous/involuntary climaxing. In any feasible sense such would
not take place except if some kind of energies were physically affecting
the autonomic nervous systems of the experiences.
This would suggest, in turn, that animal magnetism, odic force,
ORGONE ENERGY— BIONIC ENERGY
Information regarding sexualizing energies is hard to dig out of
the histories of animal magnetism, odic force, and psychic force. An
assessment of the large literature establishes the existence of powerfu
societal suppression regarding their phenomena and any research of
them. , .
The sexualizing energy aspects are further concealed, this most
probably in keeping with the taboo regarding sex prevalent during the
nineteenth and early part of the twentieth centuries.
However, anyone patiently and knowledgeably sifting through
the enormous literature can find the evidence regarding energetic sexu-
alizing phenomena. The evidence found is cumulative, and taken alto-
gether is highly supportive of the real existence of such energies.
As it is, though, the evidence is really not all that necessary, in
that most people, probably from time immemorial, physically experi-
ence and mentally realize not only that sexual energies have some kind
of real existence, but that they interact over distances if they are strong
A far greater mystery, but equally based in copious evidence,
has to do with WHY research along the lines of human energetics has
been condemned and suppressed by powerful societal factors.
Mesmer, Reichenbach, the photographers of energies, and psy-
chical research were all attacked (best word) by powerful societal forces.
This resulted not only in their historical condemnation, but es-
tablished serious barriers against ANY examination of the topics they
represented. . . , ,
Further, the attacks frequently were vicious, so much so that
even reputations of highest eminence could be destroyed. For example,
the positive interest of Sir William Crookes in the physical phenomena
of Spiritualism damaged his high scientific standing almost beyond re-
A calm and lengthy survey of this negative situation reveals
that it is not the people involved, but the topic of human energetic* • 1
whole, under any label or format, that is being suppressed by powerful
societal forces. And this by methods resembling overkill with the ulli
mate goal of complete erasure. I
All possible explanations considered regarding the societal sup
pression, the actual source of its origin and reasons for it remain nr
curie — especially if compared to the concept that the more that is learned
and known about human potentials, the better off everyone would be
THE FIRST DELIBERATE RESEARCH INTO
With many similarities to the saga of Anton Mesmer, and to the
scientific deconstruction of Karl von Reichenbach and later psychical
research, the story of Wilhelm Reich demonstrates yet another revolt
mg example of societal overkill regarding any knowledge about the ac
tual existence of human energetics.
Wilhelm Reich (1897-1957) was born the son of a farmer in
Dobrzcynica, Galicia. He showed high promise in his early tutoring, so
much so that his poor family worked to provide him with higher educa-
After World War I, in which he served in the Austrian army on
the Italian front, he studied law at the University of Vienna, and then
went on to study medicine, obtaining his M.D. in 1922. After graduat-
ing he undertook further studies in neurology and psychiatry.
No less a personage than Sigmund Freud recognized Reich’s
excellence. Reich was soon appointed as the first clinical assistant in
Emud's Psychoanalytic Polyclinic in 1922, and later became vice-direc-
tor in 1928. These positions held by Reich were of no mean importance,
and they contributed mightily to his growing reputation as an excellent
thinker and scientist.
Reich joined the Austrian Socialist Party in 1924, and the Com-
munist Party m 1928, These early affiliations with Socialism, Marxism
and < ' were later to be held against him in the United States.
lint in Europe at the time, such affiliations were rather standard fare,
and nlinoMl an unavoidable intellectual necessity.
I'he political intensities in Europe had little in common
willi how Ainerti ana understood politics. It could be said, in general,
that Europeans were preoccupied with socio-political theories in much
the same way as Americans were fascinated with movies and movie-
,n " king In any event, it was de rigeur for intellectuals to consider at
least the social (as differentiated from the political) promises of these
Competent biographies of Reich make it quite clear that he was
principally mterested not in political issues but in social health and
well-being, and in reforms that would cure mental and emotional fac-
tors upon which social ills were founded and perpetuated.
^Reich had become convinced that much neurosis was caus y
novertv bad housing conditions, and various other social ills. Essen-
t,al Freudianism, Marxism and European Socialism had been set up to
improve the human lot in this regard, and so it was logical for Re ch to
involve himself in all three. In the sense of all this, Reich comple e y
fitted into the times and developments of Europe.
However, much like Freud. Reich had early on become convinced
that social ills principally arose from neuroses based in blocked an
distorting sexual urges. He early advocated the establishment of health
centers” in which the blocked sexual urges could be unblocked and once
more take on their natural expression
Europeans were quite prepared to discuss and debate social ills,
the traditional basis of which was perceived as resulting from the un
fair distribution of economic wealth on behalf of the wealthy and
Reich, however, advised that the more actual basis of 'social 1 ills
arose from blocked sexual urges brought about by confusions inherent
in social conditioning that resulted in faulty ^nctmns ^energies -
volved with sexual orgasm. Not only was society as a whole guilty
maintaining the conditioning, but the basic family unit also.
Reich made his views known b Y Publ^ng papers, and thenm
his first book entitled THE FUNCTION OF THE ORGASM (1927). Thi
book addressed three issues:
1 the biological function of orgasm
2 the release of pent-up emotions and energies, and
3 the sexual frustrations of the working classes
In 1927, socialists of all waters were quite prepared to under-
take the curing of social ills by the most radical political and economic
means possible. However, they were not at all prepared to deal with
faulty sexual orgasm.
Indeed, the nature of sexuality was still taboo within science
and the new psychoanalysis, and within Socialism, Marxism, and Com-
munism as well. The working classes, firmly rooted in the meaning and
identity of the family unit, did not consider themselves as being sexu-
In this way, Reich managed to step on just about everyone’s
toes, and he was ushered out of the developing “orthodox” mainstreams
of psychoanalysis, doctrinaire Marxism, and all versions of European
Reich, however, was made of rather stern stuff. Undaunted, he
moved to Berlin in 1930. To begin the process of “the sexual education
of young people,” he helped establish an organization on behalf of sexual-
pohtics the VERLAG FUR SEXUALPOLITIC (SEXPOL-VERI.AG) (In
English, PUBLISHING HOUSE FOR SEXUAL POLITICS (SEXPOL-
In this undertaking, he followed the logic inherent in the origi-
nal Freudian concepts regarding the overriding importance of the sexual
urge m human affairs— but with a slight difference.
Freudianism held that sexual problems were mental in nature.
But Reich was convinced that actual “bio-physical” energy was involved,
energy which could be physically blocked, and thus lead to the mental
As it turned out, however, Berliners were not amenable to Reich’s
orgasmic ideas that had to do with sexual education of young people,
and soon increasingly vicious smear campaigns began appearing.
The smear campaigns ultimately resulted in Reich’s being ex-
pelled from the Communist Party in 1933 because of his advocacy of
sexual politics. He was unbothered by this, since he had visited Russia
m 1929 and confessed himself disappointed with Russian bureaucracy
and bourgeois moralistic attitudes toward sexuality.
A short while later, the International Psychoanalytic Associa-
*l»elled him, ironically because of his Communist membership.
1 1 ml Association apparently being unaware that the Communist Party
liml iilroiidy expelled him.
I Indaunted by these various, and conflicting expulsions, Reich
published his first monumental book in 1933, entitled CHARACTER
ANALYSIS, a profound and basic tome still utilized by analysts.
In it, Reich held that “bioenergy” which “normally travels
through the body in a specific circuit gets trapped wherever muscles
He went on to explain that this kind of situation, if chronic,
inhibits and reduces the body’s bioenergy flows, affects the immune
system and leads to sickness and other dysfunctional discomforts often
ending up as debilitating neuroses.
Also in 1933, Reich had taken critical interest in the emergence
and dangers of German fascism which he correctly foresaw as a rising
tide of political influence.
He blamed the rise of Hitler on “the sex-repressed German fam-
ily” and explained the intricate details of this in his book MASS PSY-
CHOLOGY OF FASCISM (1933). First published in Scandinavia, it took
a few years for it to be translated into German, and to be comprehended
by the Hitler Movement.
None the less, smear campaigns against him began emerging
in the Scandinavian countries, Austria and Germany — not so much as
regards the rise of fascism, but because of moralistic outrage about the
function of the orgasm, and because of Reich’s blasts about sex-repres-
sive family units.
Again undaunted by smear campaigns and media abuse, Reich
did not defend himself but rather escalated HIS attacks on the “per-
verse character of the Hitler regime.” Since Communism paraded itself
in Western Europe as a form of Socialism, the propaganda sections of
the Communist Internationale were affronted by Reich castigation’s of
Since the whole of this developing situation had to come to a
head, it did so in 1939. Reich was by that year a targeted enemy of
Communism, the Nazi’s, and of moralistic outrages regarding orgasm
energy blockages in the family unit.
He first strategically evacuated to Norway where he planned to
continue his work. Uneasily established there, however, the Germans
began their invasion of Norway in April, 1940, and Reich barely made it
out with his life. He then headed to the United States of America.
Once there, he set up shop in Forest Hills, Long Island, but
shortly removed to “Orgonon,” Maine, “Orgonon” being the name of his
• estate" and orgone research laboratory, and which included an obser
As a result of this judicious move to the U.S. A., Americans were
now somewhat surprised by having to learn about such electrifying
matters as: "
Armor in the genital character
Basic life processes
Control over irrationality
Emotional expression of the body
Energy blocks and energy fields
Field excitation of orgone energy
Genital disturbances, excitation and gratification
Orgastic convulsions, impotency and potency
Orgonotic energy charge, pulsations and streamings
Radical approaches to liberating creative energies
The Americans soon became alarmed and distressed by Wilhelm
Keich as the European communists and fascists had been.
ORGONE— A SEXUALIZING ENERGY
m. . J he ™ 8t bulk , of Reich’s work is quite difficult to summarize.
I he best, and so far the only competent source for Reich’s saga can be
FARTHEST K ha u a ? T J T Umental bio 8 ra P h y entitled FURY ON
FAKtH (1983), which should be required reading for anyone interested
in human energetics.
Beyond that, and with apologies to the followers of Reich’s work
we can get at the central gist of it for the purposes of this book.
ninnni flw 7 0N EAR ™ (P ' 276 >’ il is d^Clllt to
pinpoint the exact date for Reich’s formulation of orgone energy. The
general chronology of his work places it at about 1940.
But this most certainly refers to the term ORGONE, not to
••i.'Iih awareness that such an energy existed, and which awareness
vioualy would have taken place even quite early in his life
H.h earliest usage of ORGONE seems to have evolved in 1939
in relationship to “orgone radiation,” but this radiation was established
by Reich in a context having to do with “bions.”
It is difficult to grasp what was meant by bions, but visual evi-
dence of them could be observed “in the dark basement room” as radia-
tions from heated ocean sand.
The bionic radiations, or the bionic light, visible to the naked
eye, was described as bluish light emanating from the walls and from
various objects in the darkened basement room.
Reich explained that he could not exclude “subjective impres-
sions” with regard to the light phenomena. There is no record that Reich’s
bionic light was ever compared to Karl von Reichenbachs luminous
phenomena, although it too was perceived in dark rooms by sensitives
in touch with their own subjective (or clairvoyant) impressions.
Very roughly put, orgone energy was considered a non-electro-
magnetic force, a life force, which permeates all nature, and in some
way is closely associated with ‘orgastic potency.”
If heightened by physical or therapeutic means, orgastic potency
results in phenomena not unlike the cathartic phenomena associated
with Anton Mesmer’s vats that accumulated some kind of energy and
then transferred it to those holding the wands.
If one can directly perceive the energy of orgastic potency (pre-
sumably by some direct and/or clairvoyance means), it is of the color
The orgastic potency is composed of radiating bions which, Reich
stated (and later demonstrated), can be transferred to objects and other
human bodies for therapeutic (cathartic) purposes.
Reich derived the term ORGONE from ORGANISM and/or
ORGASM or both, and stipulated that it was an energy that normally
traveled through the body in a specific current, but could get blocked up
and result in any number of undesirable phenomena.
As Reich’s research with orgone energy continued, he was ulti-
mately to divide it into three chief characteristics: visual observation,
thermal measurements, and the electroscopic effect.
The sexual aspects of orgone energy were often played down
later, but in the end they are unavoidable, since the sexual apparatus of
the human body cannot be detached, rationally anyway, from the ener-
gies of the human body.
The evidence is quite compelling that Reich quite early envi-
sioned possibilities of interacting with orgone energy. This energy is
foreshadowed in Reich's 1922 paper entitled THE SPECIFICITY OF
FORMS OF MASTURBATION, and in his first 1923 version of what
was later to become his major thesis entitled ON GENITALITY.” Sexual
energy, later renamed orgone energy, is considered in depth in his book
THE FUNCTION OF THE ORGASM.
ORGONE ENERGY ACCUMULATORS
The existence of orgone energy was to Reich a good thing, ca-
pable of many different kinds of applications— if it could be “collected”
Therefore, the next step in the study of this energy radiation
(whether orgonic or bionic in nature) was to build an apparatus that
would collect and contain it.
As described in FURY ON EARTH (p. 277), metal reflected the
energy whereas organic material absorbed it. Since metal did reflect it,
Reich designed a box-like “collector” that had metal walls on the inside
backed with organic materials on the outside.
One panel of the collector had a porthole through which the
presumed energy could be seen from the outside by researchers and
witnesses. As originally intended, the collector was designed not to treat
illness, but to visually study the bionic radiation.
With this collector which intensified the energy, it was possible
to observe two kinds of “light” or luminescent phenomena— the bluish,
moving vapors, and sharper, yellowish “points” and “lines” that flick-
Thereafter, Reich began experimenting with different kinds of
accumulators, and found that the energy seemed to accumulate in just
about any old container.
If Reich had not had the idea before (which he certainly had),
he now concluded that the energy he was studying was “everywhere.”
He also concluded that the energy “came from the atmosphere.”
After research on the visual, thermal and electrostatic effects
had sorted out at least some basic questions, between 1940 and 1948
Reich turned his attention to the “medical effects” of the orgone accu-
His reports on these effects were stunning, and began attract-
ing profound interest of many important researchers in a number of
Although the following brief statement may be oversimplistic,
he had begun to demonstrate:
(a) that organisms suffused with bionic-orgone energy were
highly disease resistant, and
(b) that organisms weakly suffused could be brought back into
a more healthy state by being subject to accumulated infusions
of the orgone energy.
SEXUALIZING EFFECTS OF ORGONE ENERGY
However, trouble had begun pushing into view when individu-
als discovered that sitting in the accumulators often enhanced sexual
potency, even to the degree of occasionally effecting spontaneous thrills.
While the general public would have no precise idea of what
bionic energy meant at the cellular and molecular levels, almost any-
one could clearly understand the wonderful enhancements of sexual
With this news, excitedly promulgated by wide press coverage,
Reich’s reputation (and following) increased immensely — and copies of
his JOURNAL OF ORGONOMY and ORGONE ENERGY BULLETIN
were much in demand.
Additionally, it is clear that Reich hoped to achieve “cures” of
awful diseases via orgone energy, especially, but not only including a
Here was a “hope” that finally galvanized certain societal forces
in reaction to Reich. Reich also ran into problems regarding his an-
nounced attempts to collect bionic energy into types of “guns” or “can-
nons” in order to transmit it, among other possible practical uses, for
However, these events only increased the “furors” that had ac-
cumulated not in the bionic accumulators but around the person and
name of Reich himself.
THE SOCIETAL TERMINATION OF WILHELM REICH
Because of a wide, invisible web of vested interests, the FDA
proceeded against Reich as if he were a common charlatan peddling a
worthless cancer cure.
During 1952, the FDA and the Justice Department issued a court
injunction banning not only the construction of orgone accumulators,
but demanding the sanitizing of the word ORGONE from all his paper,
books and other materials. Reich’s “inalienable rights” guaranteed by
the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were simply cast aside — while
this kind of activity at such high levels implied that he was something
more than a harmless kook.
During 1953, and before an official hearing could take place,
the FDA, assisted by the FBI, confiscated all of Reich’s documents, books,
research papers. These were finally fed into the Gansevort Incinerator,
New York, on August 23, 1956. With his First Amendment rights shred-
ded into the wind, Reich somewhat noisily refused to comply with the
court order, and when the proceedings against him were finally heard
in 1954, he again refused.
He was thereupon found in contempt of court, and was sentenced
to imprisonment. He first sent to Danbury Federal Prison for ten days
where he was subjected to “psychiatric examination.”
He was then moved to incarceration in the federal peniten-
tiary in Lewisburg, Pennsylvania, where he died on November 3,
1957, with the actual circumstances of his death remaining unclear.
Why Reich should have been imprisoned for nearly three years on
the mere charge of contempt of court is, by any rationale, not readily
At this point, we might assume that various phenomena hu-
man energetics are real, and that they have been touched upon by nu-
merous researchers. The sexualizing element within these phenomena
is consistently encountered.
While many of the phenomena encountered might be readily
experienced upon average, the essence of the sexualizing energies is
entirely real and tangible within the scope of usual human experienc-
We can now turn our attention, in Part II, to the ways and means
such energies, usually invisible, can be seen by clairvoyance. Here we
encounter a truly rich and wonderful panorama and history.
THE TREMULOUS PULSATIONS
SEEN BY CLAIRVOYANCE
PREVENTING KNOWLEDGE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
In Part I we briefly reviewed some historical instances in which
extraordinary human energies played a central role, and did so in very
active and surprising ways.
In the contexts of each of the instances, the energies were given
a number of different names — such as vital fluids, animating energies,
sympathetic vibrations, magnetic, fluxes, effluents, animal magnetism,
odic, psychic, and orgonic, etc.
However, in sequentially comparing what the different names
were referring to, it is obvious that they collectively identify human
Thus, in the historical sense beginning in the Renaissance, we
have a sequential profusion of names, but all of which get back to hu-
At first sight, the profusion of names might appear as merely a
semantic difficulty. It is at least that, to be sure. But a deeper examina-
tion a6 to how and why the different names came about reveals another
more important factor.
This factor now needs partially to be brought to light within the
overall scope of this book, because it has a great deal to do with societal
factors that prevent and defeat the accumulation of verifiable knowl-
edge regarding human energetics.
In turn, the lack of the knowledge has impact on individuals
and how they can or cannot sense or perceive the energies.
THE SOCIETAL CONDEMNATION OF KNOWLEDGE
OF HUMAN ENERGETICS
We have seen that the whole of the research reviewed in Part I
spans almost five centuries. Further, we have seen that each aspect of
the research emerged in different time periods and under different re-
We have also seen that all of the research in any form was al-
most immediately condemned and put down by strong societal mea-
sures — condemned so vigorously that the research was in fact effec-
tively erased from all mainstream scientific, philosophic and academic
histories of those five centuries.
The condemnations not only deconstructed the research of given
individuals. They also acted as preventives with regard to accumula-
tion of knowledge of human energetics. And they additionally acted as
warnings to others that might drift into the magical directions of hu-
All of these societal measures to discourage and prevent research
of human energetics are still generally active today. There are various
kinds of energetic research going on here or there. But it goes on out-
side of mainstream parameters, and none of it is accepted or integrated
into the mainstream lines of science, psychology or philosophy.
Of course, the mainstream forces cannot really prevent such
research if it is undertaken individually and without mainstream ap-
proval. But the mainstream forces can ignore the existence and impli-
cations of such research, and ultimately can find ways and means to
discredit any possible validity of it.
To return now to the profusion of names. When the work and
phenomena of Anton Mesmer was condemned by the mainstream forces
of his time, the essence of his work was in fact continued by many re-
searchers in many different countries.
But none of it had much chance of being recognized as accept-
able by the societal mainstream.
To escape being painted with the same tar brush as Mesmer,
many subsequent researchers avoided utilizing the terminology associ-
ated with animal magnetism and mesmerism.
Such was the case with Baron von Reichenbach, and whom in-
deed WAS considered as an important mainstream researcher, and in
fact discovered much that could be fitted into conventional mainstream
As a thorough and exacting researcher, it is unthinkable that
Reichenbach had not studied all available information regarding the
phenomena and procedures of mesmerism.
However, in trying to avoid the anticipated societal condemns
lion of his work if he presented it along the lines of mesmerism, he
opted to use entirely new and different terms — OD and ODIC FORCE.
This is a socio-political ploy quite common among scientists and
philosophers, a ploy utilized to ESCAPE from the societal condemna-
tion of earlier work.
As we have seen, Reichenbach’s work did not escape, and when
the portents and implications of his work were recognized, not only was
his work condemned, but he himself was subjected to personal humili-
After Reichenbach, no researcher hoping for a modicum of rec-
ognition by mainstream powers dared to utilize mesmeric or odic meta-
phors, since such rubrics had been vigorously condemned both in name
and as regards the substantial topics they represented.
The term PSYCHIC FORCE came into existence for much the
same reasons — and with much the same societal outcome.
This outcome forced the psychic researchers to formulate their
organizations outside of acceptable mainstream sciences. And such work,
even if later renamed PARAPSYCHOLOGY, continues to exist outside
of even a hint of mainstream acceptance.
As it turned out, the psychic force research was very substan-
tial and persuasive. But this fulminated even more vigorous societal
condemnation of it. Psychical research did not actually cease, but the
fulminations caused the term PSYCHIC to be taboo within the modern-
ist mainstream sciences and philosophies, and within their workings it
remains taboo to this day.
A careful study of Wilhelm Reich more of less suggests that he
never intended to enter into psychical research.
From the start of his work, his interests focused precisely on
sexual energies, especially those associated with orgasm.
In this instance, he needed a new term, and ORGONE, or orgonic
energy, was derived from orgasm. Indeed, there can be little doubt that
orgasm IS a form of energetic transaction, one with multitudes of side
effects and by-products.
But, as we have seen, Reich did not escape condemnation ei-
ther, specifically because his work intruded into the category of human
energetics. In demonstrable fact, he and his work were terminated by
mainstream officials, and with a viciousness that can be seen as little
else than hysterically deadly.
The factor that links the different names has to do with human
energetics. It is this factor, under any name, that appears to be the
special target of mainstream societal suppression.
This, to say the least of it, is very mysterious — and exceedingly
illogical IF the bigger goal regarding acquisition of knowledge per se is
But in some sense at least, there is a comic side to this five-
century-long story of suppression.
THE EXPERIENCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
CAN BE PARTIALLY DEADENED
The real existence of sexual energies is universally experienced
by people in all cultures and in all stations of life.
The experiencing (or sensing) transcends language barriers,
social strata, and even educational conditioning designed to install
emotional and mental deadening against such sensing.
But human organisms, having the superlative sensing equip-
ment they do, seldom become so dumbed-down that they altogether cease
from such experiencing.
In considering the above, however, it must quickly be pointed
up that there are strategic differences between sensing sexual energies
and the many formats of behavior that can download because of them.
Herein lies a great difficulty, in that the knowledge gap between
sexual energies per se and sexual behavior per se is not only enormous
One element of this great difficulty obviously proceeds from the
fact that the energies are invisible while the associated behavior is vis-
ible. This causes attention to be focused on behavior, but only because it
Another element is that while the energies are invisible, they
are none the less tangible.
This invisible-but-tangible aspect is confusing, often resulting
in messy situations not only regarding sexuality but other factors that
can be sensed in spite of their essential invisibility. Even many great
minds, least of all those philosophic and scientific, have not been able to
come to terms with what is involved.
The entire realm of intuition, for example, is a good example of
this, in that it is entirely composed of sensing invisible but obviously
real factors. But intuition moved quite close to energetics, and so re-
search of it is avoided by mainstream science and psychology.
THE EXPERIENCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
UNDER SPECIAL AND ORDINARY CIRCUMSTANCES
As we have seen via Part I, sexualizing energies have been rather
uniformly and somewhat dramatically encountered in all vital-energy
research. As described, they have been encountered as a current through
the body, sensation of a slight tingling in the palms of the hands, and
other significant parts of the body, notably in the back and the ‘loins”
(i.e., the genital regions.)
Within those research encounters, a number of those involved
observed that whether weak or strong, such effects are not simply imagi-
nary — because whatever is involved results in tangible experiencing.
But as can be recognized, such phenomena are encountered not
only in vital-energy research, but in general human life at all levels.
And such general experiencing can sometimes be as dramatic as that
encountered in the special cases of vital-energy research.
Indeed, the real existence of invisible, sexualizing energies uni-
versally experienced as having tangible qualities is the one ethereal
wedge that drives rather deeply into societal responses seeking to sup-
press knowledge of human energetic phenomena.
One of the more obvious reasons for the societal suppression is
that the phenomena are indicative of BIGGER hidden resources of hu-
man-energy powers. And it is apparently those powers that, for some
mysterious reason, the suppressive mainstream forces feel must better
be left unexamined in order to prevent their enhancement.
To reiterate for purposes of emphasis, this is the same as saying
that knowledge of invisible sexualizing energies must be suppressed,
since they point in the direction of opening up knowledge of other invis-
ible energies — such as telepathy, clairvoyance, psychokinesis, and so
All of those items are closely related to energetic powers, and as
such the central key to their development would consist of more com-
plete knowledge of human energetics overall, and which knowledge
would include information about sexual energetics.
Ah il turns out, though, and rather comically, the suppression
of human energetics cannot, at the individual level, also entirely sup-
press the universal experiencing of sexualizing energetics.
But dumbed-down information about that particular kind of
energetics can be achieved by social conditioning that directs focus not
on formative and vitalistic sexual energies, but rather misdirects focus
upon sexual behavior, the genitalia, and various moralistic containment
Thus, to the degree this misdirecting, dumb-them-down atti-
tude is accepted and reinforced, the farther away is any real cognizance
of not only sexual energetics, but the whole of human energetics as
THE BASIC SOCIETAL WAY OF DUMBING DOWN
A thorough examination of this "problem" reveals that there is
a time-tested societal way to prevent this sensing.
This simply involves NOT teaching people how to expand, re-
fine, and hone their innate sensitivities beyond what is needed to fit
them into average societal formulas.
TWO DYNAMICS OF SOCIAL CONDITIONING
Most people eventually realize that they may be some kind of
victim to social conditioning, and anyway most people realize that so-
cial conditioning agendas do exist.
But there is very little real information publicly available as to
the METHODS utilized to effect such conditioning.
There is a really big, and complicated story in this regard. But a
full part of it is that social conditioning cannot take place very well
unless the quite excellent and remarkable perceptions of each human
organism are first dumbed down in certain strategic aspects.
After all, any individual who can perceive a whole lot also will
become enabled to know a whole lot.
With regard to perception, there are two identifiable dynamics
of social conditioning that are worth considering, and certainly so within
the contexts of this book and its topics. Very briefly put, it is more or
less true that human perceptions can be conditioned by social, cultural
and environmental factors.
There seem to be a number of reasons for this, but one is that
the effectiveness of social organizing depends a great deal on unifor-
mity of perceptions among those belonging to the social grouping.
Since most social structures are built up in direct support of
some kind of doctrinal ideas, the perceptions of the inhabitants of the
structures are educationally conditioned to reflect the doctrinal ideas.
As but one example, the philosophical doctrines of the modern
sciences denied the existence of human animating energies. This doc-
trinal denial resulted in two rather deplorable spectacles:
1 the necessity to trash evidence of the energies to keep the doc-
2 educational conditioning to deaden perception of the animating
energies, or at least to condemn them to high levels of social
intolerance if they occurred spontaneously in people
Another reason, however, is more basic. It has to do with the
reality that people need to know what something does or should look
like in order:
1 to trust their perceptions when they do occur
2 to recognize what they are perceiving when and if they do per-
3 to have some kind of agreement that everyone is seeing the same
thing more or less in the same way
This is perfectly understandable in the light of overall human
nature. But there are a few quirks involved.
As but one quirk, it doesn’t seem to matter very much if the
“same way" is actually the wrong way. or if the same way is completely
of illusion in the First place. In either case, uniformity of perception is
Anot her quirk is that perceptions are stronger if they are so-
cially tolerated and weak or non-existent if not tolerated. Indeed, large
groups of people can “agree” not to perceive this or that — and they usu-
ally don’t thereafter.
For example, within science proper exist many topics that sci-
entists have “agreed” not to acknowledge as existing. One of those top-
ics, of course, is human energetics. Thus, a mainstream scientist would
not perceive a vitalizing human energy field even if thousands of lives
depended on doing so. Further, since agreement not to perceive any
factor redolent of human energetics, many such scientists could attack
and deconstruct any evidence of them, and feel justified in doing so.
As already mentioned, another forbidden topic intuition, and
most mainstream scientists have denied the substantial evidence sup-
porting its real existence. This, even though intuition is otherwise cred-
ited and documented as saving lives and enabling new inventions.
One of the admitted reasons for the avoidance of intuition is
that it ranges too close to a topic utterly forbidden in the mainstream
sciences and philosophies — the topic of clairvoyance. Indeed, any seri-
ous substantiation of clairvoyance is put down with a vicious enthusi-
asm at least equal to that pertaining to the wholesale condemnation of
Still another quirk involves the fact that people cannot recog-
nize what they are perceiving unless they already know what it is and
what it should look like. Indeed, these two very subtle criteria are ex-
For one thing, people often simply don’t perceive something they
have never seen before. If they do perceive it they usually will have to
ask someone else what it is. This more or less means that even if some-
one is sensitive to something, it might not be recognizable in any cogni-
tive sense at all.
THE SOCIETAL TACTIC OF DESENSITIZING SENSITIVITIES
Here we encounter a boon with regard to societal conditioning
agendas.(All human organisms, in their natural state, are actually
equipped with extensive arrays of sensing mechanisms and faculties.^
Various formats of societal conditioning would require an artifi-
cially induced desensitizing of entire categories of those sensing mecha-
nisms and faculties.
Indeed, and logically considered, cognitive perceptions are
largely dependent on sensing faculties, and if the latter are artificially
desensitized, cognitive perceptions must suffer likewise.
There is much more that can be discussed regarding societal
conditioning, especially when it comes to both the conventional and
psychic force aspects of creativity and power.
Those aspects, however, need to be presented within the con-
texts of creativity and power, and so we can now segue back into energy
phenomena, especially in relationship to the sexualizing energies.
A NOTE ON PERCEIVING SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
While it is possible to think of PERCEPTION as a singular thing,
in actuality there exist many different form and qualities of it. Even so,
two general categories of perception can be identified:
• the first consisting merely of sensing or feeling in the absence
• the second consisting of sensing, feeling and images combined
In that the sexualizing energies are invisible, any sensing, feel-
ing or imaging of them qualifies as a form of clairvoyance.
II we return briefly to the five centuries of various kinds of en-
ergetic research, one of the more remarkable aspects was that many
observers stated that they could not only sense the energies, but liter-
ally see them as well.
Those who merely felt the energies described them much as
any person would who experiences them as invisible charges, heat,
stimulation’s in various body parts, especially in the region of the loins,
and as having horny or “disturbed” repercussions.
The seers of the energies, however, described them as consist-
ing of rays, protrusions, extensions, fluid-like circulating fields, and
beams, and as having lights, colors, and so forth.
Direct perceptions in this regard of the fluid- like, circulating
fields, are entirely consistent with many descriptions of the “auras”
surrounding and interpenetrating the physical corpus — and the real
existence of which has been acknowledged since earliest recorded an-
SOME PRELIMINARY DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN
AURA AND ENERGY FIELD
In the chapters that follow, the modern term “energy field" and
the ancient term “aura” will be utilized as nearly synonymous, with
There is a rich tradition regarding what is meant by aura, but
hardly any tradition regarding what is meant by energy field. In fact,
the use of the energy field metaphor came into existence to escape the
modern societal condemnation of the aura metaphor.
But there is another nuance to the distinction. Basically speak-
ing, an aura is what clairvoyants can see. An energy field is what can be
measured by instruments designed to do so.
In any event, in the traditional lore the aura is basically con-
ceived of as a luminous radiation and typically composed of different
An examination of the colors as usually described reveals that
they correspond to the colors of the visible light spectrum. This can lead
to wonderment as to why the colors of the subtle radiations are con-
fined only to the colors of that spectrum — in that the visible light spec-
trum is only a very small segment of the entire electromagnetic spec-
It is quite possible that many of the subtle radiations might not
even belong to the electromagnetic spectrum, which reflects the exist-
ence only of physical electromagnetic energies — but does not reflect ba-
sic animating life-force energies, and which have not been discovered
The point being made here is that because of the lore the aura
is conceptual ized as being made up of colors. Thus, potential aura-seers
can easily be conditioned to expect to perceive the radiations as color-
ful —when indeed many energies within the aura are colorless.
So, the single concept of colorful radiations does not lend itself
to perceiving aspects of the aura that are colorless, but dynamically
In respect of the above, it is probably appropriate to keep in
mind the well-known adage that what you expect to see is what you do
see, and what you don’t expect to see is what you don’t see.
But there is a workable clue here. Colors don't produce them-
selves, but energies as motional vibrations can produce colors. Hence
the first goal of the would-be aura seer is to perceive energies. b
ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONS OF THE HUMAN AURA
Regarding the human aura and the astral-aura light realms,
artistic representations of them occasionally can be found dating from
antiquity onward through the centuries and up until today.
All of these artistic representations deal with or attempt to por-
tray luminosity and light as well as energetic shapes that are usually
invisible to the physical eyes, but not to the perceiving, image-making
Among the best-known of the many examples portraying the
aura-light-shape realms are the art works of William Blake (1757-1827),
the English poet and artist. But there are many other very beautiful
The personal human aura is USUALLY portrayed as a self-con-
tained envelope, or full-body nimbus, around the physical body, usually
shown as oval or ovoid in its mistlike contours.
The full-body nimbus is usually shown as extending about two
to three feet outside of the physical body.
It consists of fluctuating colors, color layers, and variously
shaped energy structures and which sometimes can extend far beyond
the margins of the mistlike properties. Good clairvoyants can detect
“damaged" areas within the energy body, which are associated with ill-
nesses or with dysfunctional emotionality.
The colors seen are also associated with many kinds of qualities
and activities, although there is no general agreement on this matter of
colors — except in the case of the color dull black — which clearly and
unequivocally portends approaching death. In all cases in which I have
seen this kind of dull-blackening aura, even among some of my dearest
friends, all have died shortly or within the year or so.
If death is imminent, the aura disintegrates altogether and dis-
appears, although the bio-body might live on for a few days with artifi-
cial life support assistance.
It’s also worth noting that the aura often turns dull black re-
garding those? who will shortly meet premature or accidental death — as
if the energy “intelligence*” somehow knows of this in advance.
The historical descriptions of the aura are very important, of
course, and very compelling as well, and they certainly have a place
within this book.
But leaning too heavily on them tends to obscure another im-
portant factor. The traditional concepts portray the aura as light, lumi-
nosity and color, while the concept that auras also have SUBSTANCE
Indeed, if the elements of human energetics did not possess
substance, then they could not be tangibly FELT, as is particularly the
case regarding the sexualizing energies.
So the substance aspect of human energetics must be restored
for the purposes of this book, and we will utilize the next chapter to do
THE PSYCHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE
Before reading this book, almost everyone will already have some
kind of idea about what the term PSYCHIC means.
Such ideas can be exceedingly different among individuals. But
it is quite likely that a large proportion of them hinge on the general
concept of PARANORMAL mental activity and which is distinguished
from normal mental activity.
This is a psychological distinction which began to flourish rather
late in the history we have been reviewing. It appeared during the late
19208, and only during the 1940s did it take on broad usage.
It arose not in parapsychology, but in psychology proper when,
during the 1920s psychologists and sociologists sought to identify and
establish the characteristics of normal and abnormal behavior.
One of the widely stated motives behind this effort had to do
with the idea that if normal behavior was identified and socially rein-
forced then more perfect societies could be constructed. In a certain
sense, this also called for the elimination, or at least the exclusion, of
This, of course, was a rather simplified and naive utopian con-
cept within the then trendy Modern Progressive Era, and as such was
supported in its early stages with extraordinary enthusiasm in science,
sociology, and psychology.
As it eventually turned out, however, the idea was quietly re-
tired during the late 1950s. The reason is rather amusing and ironic.
While it seemed easy enough to identify the abnormal, and then to con-
demn it as socially undesirable, it proved increasingly difficult to estab-
lish what the normal consisted of.
With this psycho-sociological development, parapsychologists of
the time became concerned that their topics of study and research would
be lumped into the abnormal category, and which indeed was soon the
In seeking to escape this danger, they countered by indicating
that psychic activity and phenomena were not abnormal, but
PARAnormal — simply and innocently meaning beyond, above or out-
side of the normal.
One of the important factors that got covered over in all of this
was that the original psychic concept had nothing to do with things
mental, psychological or behavioristic.
This original concept now needs to be firmly recovered, not only
for the purposes of this book, but on behalf of human energetics as a
THE ORIGINAL CONCEPT OF
PSYCHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE
As we have seen in chapter 9, during the 1870s, Edward Will-
iam Cox introduced the potent term PSYCHIC into the languages of
the world. But he introduced the term not as the noun it later became,
but as an adjective specifying a particular type of force among all kinds
The term AFFLUENT doesn’t seem to be used very much any-
more. It has two principal definitions, the second of which has to do
with being financially wealthy.
Otherwise, it is taken from the Latin AFFLUERE (to flow), and
in English came to mean “to flow abundantly,” and hence was associ-
ated with anything that did so.
Cox, a lawyer, took great care and pains in describing psychic
force, and published his descriptions in his 1871 book SPIRITUALISM
ANSWERED BY SCIENCE. This is a wonderful book and remains one
of the most cogent descriptions not only of the Renaissance concept of
vital energies, but has direct relationship to the traditional Chinese
concept of CHT energy.
THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE
Cox enumerates a number of factors that need to be considered
in order to comprehend the nature of psychic force.
He first points up that in Spiritualism it is held that everyone
possesses an “amount of animal magnetism," and that animating mag-
netism is what he, Cox, has renamed “psychic force.”
However, whether called animal magnetism or psychic force,
“it” is a “magnetic material" and/or an “affluent substance” that “pro-
ceeds from” some kind of human body- matter.
Whatever the affluent substance is and whatever kind of body-
matter is involved, it is “projected from the whole or part of the body
structure, and, like other forces of nature, is perceptible to our senses
only when it meets with some obstacle. All possess it, more or less.”
Cox stipulated that the medium who produces physical phe-
nomena “has it more, and thus attracts it from those with whom he [or
she] is in communication” — the extended assumption being that those
possessing more affluent magnetic substance of whatever kind, stimu-
late and attract corresponding responses in those who have lesser
amounts of it.
The only real problem with the whole of this is that the modern
sciences do NOT admit that this kind of magnetism or force exists —
even though its existence is continuously experienced by people every-
MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE
Perhaps on an assumption that Science would come to its senses
later on, in his 1871 book, Cox gives a very cogent outline of “The Scien-
tific Theory of Psychic Force.”
He itemizes the major characteristics of the force — which I’ll
try briefly to clarify in order to escape from the complications of Victo-
rian English syntax.
1 There is a Force proceeding, from, or directly associated with,
the human organization (read organism, or body structure plus
its animating energies.}
2 In certain persons and under certain conditions, this Force “can
cause vibrations or motion in heavy bodies (such as furniture,
other bodies, etc.) external to the person. The Force can also
produce audible and palpable sounds in such bodies.
3 The Force does this “without muscular contact or any material
connection between” any person present.
4 This Force appears to be frequently directed by some intelli-
5 “For reasons to be specified, we conclude that this Force is gen-
erated m certain persons of peculiar nervous organization in
sufficient power to operate beyond bodily contact."
6 “There can be little doubt that the Force is possessed by every
human being — that it is a NECESSARY [emphasis added] con-
dition of the living nerve, if, indeed, it be not the vital force
7 “In ordinary persons, it ceases to operate at or near the extremi-
ties of the nerves; in Psychics it flows beyond them in waves of
varying volume and power." At this point in his phenomenologi-
cal line-up, Cox refers to a Dr. Richardson who also had been
examining psychic force, and whom had presented his Findings
in the POPULAR SCIENCE REVIEW.
8 “He [another researcher named Richardson] contends that there
is a nerve fluid (or ether), with which the nerves are enveloped,
and by whose help it is that the motion of their molecules com-
municates sensations and transmits the commands of the will.
9 ‘This nerve ether is, he thinks, no other than the vital force. It
extends with all of us somewhat beyond the extremities of the
nerve structure, and even beyond the surface of the body — en-
compassing us wholly with an envelope of nerve atmosphere,
and which varies in its depth and intensity in various persons.
“This [Richardson) contends, will solve many difficult problems
in Physiology and throw a new light on many obscurities in Psy-
chology and Mental Philosophy." It might be noted here that
the “many obscurities" remain still obscured.
1 0 ‘The Force exhibits itself in pulsations or undulations. It is never
steadily continuous." However, the tremors caused by the Force
in a table, chair, floor, or in organic bodies, are likened to the
waves of light or sound.
1 1 “The differences of the sensation between the operation of the
Psychic Force and of muscular force is so manifest as to be pal-
pable instantly to everybody who witnesses [experiences] it.”
12 The strength, or power, of the Force is conditional upon the
mental and emotional status of the individual and individuals
involved. The Force is “sometimes, but rarely, exhibited when
the Psychic is alone. As a rule, the presence of other persons
promotes the operations of the Force."
13 The Force “is materially influenced by the electric and mag-
netic conditions of the atmosphere and of surrounding bodies,
by heat and cold, by moisture and dryness, and still more by the
nervous conditions of the persons present.”
1 4 As will be examined in the following chapter, characteristics of
the Force can be perceived by a variety of clairvoyant means.
But if the manifestations of the Force are powerful enough, they
can be witnessed by normal perceptions. Exposure to the mani-
festations sometimes temporarily increases the clairvoyant fac-
ulties of individual's in their proximity, faculties which other-
wise lay dormant.
15 “The attention of the Psychic” regarding manifestations of the
Force is not necessary. This is suggestive that the manifesta-
tions of the Force arise from “an UNCONSCIOUS action of the
brain, the ganglion, or the nerves.”
Cox stated that the manner in which this unconscious action is
effected “is undiscovered because it has not been examined scientifi-
cally.” Then, or now, it might be added. But Cox refers to the matter of
In order to illuminate the Force as being “frequently directed
by some intelligence,” Cox next refers to Carpenter’s theory of “uncon-
scious cerebration, or, in less learned language, the capacity of the brain,
under certain conditions, to work, not only without the will, but with-
out the consciousness of the individual.”
“Unconscious cerebration” is identified as “hitherto mysteri-
ous mental states which scientific men, unable to explain, have con-
tented themselves with denying or ignoring, [while] unreflecting
persons have attributed [the mysterious mental states] to super-
In more contemporary terms, unconscious cerebration is prob-
ably equivalent to preconscious processes that take place in the subcon-
scious before emerging into consciousness or mental perception.
Indeed, in some fashion, sensory systems ORGANIZE data
BEFORE it is forwarded to the conscious intellect. In this sense, then,
unconscious cerebration can be thought of as a type of Intelligence func-
tioning beneath conscious awareness.
This matter is not as complicated as it might first sound. Al-
though Cox utilizes sleep-walking and trance states as examples of
unconscious cerebration, riding a bicycle or driving a car without con-
sciously thinking about doing so are other examples.
IS PSYCHIC FORCE A FORCE?
After Cox had identified the major characteristics of “the Force,"
he then goes on to mention: “The term PSYCHIC FORCE has been
employed to describe the power or influence that either proceeds from
or is intimately associated with the human organization." The term is
used “for want of a fitter one, but we call it a FORCE because many of
the phenomena present the results of a force."
He compares psychic force to the forces of heat, light, magne-
tism, electricity, and galvanism as consisting of energetic “particles in
motion, making themselves perceptible to our senses when they strike
against some opposing matter.
“But it does not follow in this particular [regarding particles in
motion] that Psychic Force should resemble those other forces. We call
it a force for convenience, but it is doubtful if, strictly speaking, it be a
FORCE— but having more the nature of an INFLUENCE than of mo-
tion of particles projected and impinging on other bodies."
The term INFLUENCE has several definitions, all associated
with “flow" or “flowing." The definition Cox apparently was using is
“the act or power of producing an effect without apparent exertion of
force or direct exercise of command”
A very early definition of INFLUENCE, however, referred to
“an etherial fluid thought to flow from the stars,” or inherent in the
universe, “and to affect the actions of men."
THE DIRECT SIMILARITY OF PSYCHIC FORCE
TO THE CHINESE CHI ENERGY
One of the major, but subtle, situations regarding the forms of
research we are discussing in this book is the rather broad failure of
the modernist West to compare the phenomena of their research with
the phenomena of the ancient Chinese Ch’i Gong [sometimes given as
The literature is quite large regarding Ch’i energies, and many
of the most important, and remarkable, disciplines that download from
knowledge of them can be found described in detail.
Anyone wishing to discover sources to extend their knowledge
beyond the scope of this book can easily obtain a most competent book
entitled THE WAY OF QIGONG— THE ART AND SCIENCE OF CHI-
NESE ENERGY HEALING, by Kenneth S. Cohen, and published in
In that book, QI or CH’I or chi is defined as “Life energy, vital
energy, breath of life force, power, air."
Cohen’s book is basically about Chinese energy healing by
modulations of Qi energy, and which, with some sense of legitimacy,
can be referred to as vital fluids.
But for the purposes of this book having to do with sexualizing
energies, his Index reveals a category identified as Sexual Qigong.
Itemized under that heading one can discover the topics of Deer
Exercise, ejaculation control, ejaculation frequency, exchanging sexual
energies, and so forth.
For this, it is clear that CH’I energetics have sexualizing rami-
fications. It is through those particular ramifications that we can recog-
nize the similarity to CH’I energies of animal magnetism, odic force,
psychic force, and orgone energies.
In this regard, one might even be brave enough to suggest that
Mesmer, Reichenbach, Cox, and Reich (and even the photographers of
energies) had encountered the phenomena traditionally associated with
the ancient Chinese CH’I.
As another immediately available source of information about
the existence and uses of CH’I energy, one might refer to the recent,
and decidedly rather surprising, 1997 book entitled CHINA’S SUPER
PSYCHICS, authored by the CH’I master, Paul Dong, and his associ-
ate, Thomas E. Raffill.
In this book, the development of Chinese “super psychic" abili-
ties is directly attributed to the utilization of CH’I energies. The devel-
opment, via CH’I, includes influencing at a distance, and enhanced forms
of clairvoyance, as will be described beginning in the next chapter.
The authors give a description of “chi" (on page 131). They indi-
cate that chi gong has a history of 3,000 years, and so the Chinese have
developed many interpretations of it.
In its most widespread definition, in everyday life chi refers to
the air we breathe (this a metaphor for “breathing energies.") In terms
of the body, i! refers to energy. In terms of life it refers to vitality. When
talking of activity, it refers to abilities.
In other words, as the authors say, its meaning depends on the
The term CHI GONG in itself means training the body’s ener-
getic abilities, and bringing them to their optimal level.
Dong and Raffill also point up (again on page 131) that in addi-
tion to its medical value, Chinese researchers had discovered, by 1979,
that chi gong is a catalyst via which “many people had developed psy-
chic powers.” The book gives numerous examples of those developed,
and quite impressive, psychics.
CLAIRVOYANCE — TELESTHESIA
The continuing exploration of the denied science of human sexual
energies requires that we continue examining certain terms in order to
grasp their deeper meanings beyond the merely superficial. Many of
those terms are commonly utilized in a general sense, but without any
in-depth idea of what they mean, especially as regards their forgotten
Other terms that are very valuable have dropped out of use —
largely because certain researchers sought to avoid them. Thus, the
terminology games researchers played often caused the same phenom-
ena to be referred to one way and than another.
Additionally, some terms have been assigned so many mean-
ings that except in some ambiguous way one can’t ever be quite sure
what is actually being referred to.
Two of these terms are CLAIRVOYANCE and TELESTHESIA,
both of which are meaningful to the sensing/perceiving of sexual ener-
THE COMPLEX NATURE OF CLAIRVOYANCE
The term CLAIRVOYANCE first appeared in French at about
1503, but doesn’t seem to have been incorporated into English until
more than 300 years later, at about 1847.
It has several meanings in French. But in English it is gener-
ally used only with the one meaning associated with it in 1847, which
links the English use of the term to mesmeric phenomena.
CLAIRVOYANCE: a faculty attributed to certain persons, or to
persons under certain Mesmeric conditions, consisting of the mental
perception of objects at a distance or concealed from sight.
This English definition sounds competent enough on the sur-
face, and it in easy to link it to the “second sight” of the Irish, and to the
“seership" fucultioa of shamans world wide. But beyond that it doesn’t
really enlighten one all that much. So it is helpful to survey the mean-
ings given to the French terms CLAIR and VOYANCE.
CLAIR refers to light, brightness, clearness, luminous, trans-
parent, limpid, and to bright or transparent colors, shapes, and forms,
and even to invisible clarity. VOYANCE refers to seeing. And so the
first meaning of clairvoyance in French is, of course, seeing clearly.
Many people have been socially conditioned to suppose they don’t
have clairvoyant faculties. But this merely results from mind- condi-
tioning and social reality-making by selective nomenclature.
Everyone possesses clairvoyance. For example, if clairvoyance
is defined literally as consisting of mental perception other than by sight,
and if one is not utilizing one’s eyes while sleeping, then the perception
of ones dreams actually is a type of clairvoyance.
Often the eyes remain open during day-dreaming, but what the
eyes are seeing often disappears from view. It’s quite safe to say that
the eyes don’t really see what is being clairvoyantly seen either in day-
dreaming or sleep dreaming.
Inventors, artists, architects, engineers, “conceptualists” and
ho forth are actually very good at seeing their works before they are
rendered into physical form so that the eyes can then see them.
Then there are the phenomena of “seeing with the Mind’s Eye"
or “envisioning” or “intuiting” or “visualizing,” and all of which, except
for the different nomenclature referencing, are types or degrees of clair-
Strictly speaking in retrospect, the use in English of the term
clairvoyance was probably not a very good idea. It would have been
more accurate to refer to the “second sight” of the Scots and the Irish,
since clairvoyance more literally refers to a second sight if compared to
the first sight of the physical eyes.
In 1920, James Lewis Spence (1874-1955), born and educated
in Scot land, published an authoritative ENCYCLOPEDIA OF OCCULT-
ISM, this being the first attempt to sort out the swamp of nomenclature
Spence also published more than forty other valuable works
dealing with mythology, folklore and the occult, and especially elucidat-
ing upon the Atlantis theme.
Spence more or less solidified the definition of CLAIRVOYANCE
as: *‘A term denoting the supposed supernormal faculty of seeing per-
sons and events which are distant in time or place, and of which no
knowledge can reach the seer through the normal sense-channels.”
As such, according to Spence, CLAIRVOYANCE may roughly
be divided into three classes:
• Perception of the past
• Perception of the future
• Perception of contemporary events happening at a distance, or
outside the range of the normal vision.
Why Spence did not include as a form of clairvoyance the per-
ception of vital energies, auras and energy fields is something of a mys-
tery. Here, of course, we will add this fourth general category.
A number of important subdivisions of clairvoyance had been
established earlier, at about 1890 and researched thereafter — albeit
under certain strange nomenclature, such as telopsia and telecognosis,
which didn’t quite catch on for reasons that might be obvious.
Others did, however. For example:
• X-ray vision (which did catch on)
• Traveling clairvoyance (which also caught on)
• Medical clairvoyance (which didn’t catch on, but is making a
comeback today (and in this book, as well))
• Platform-clairvoyance (see below)
• Macro clairvoyance
• Micro clairvoyance
• Hypnotic and trance clairvoyance
• Ecstasy clairvoyance
• Psychometric clairvoyance
• Mixtures of clairvoyance and telepathy
• Telesthesia clairvoyance
A much longer list of clairvoyance types is available, but not
needed here- with the exception of sexuality clairvoyance, which be-
fore now haH never been included in any lists of clairvoyance types.
As a joyous aside, some might wonder what “platform-clairvoy-
ance” is. It was the term assigned to the seeing of spirits, incorporeal
entities, including ghosts, and death-bed (or near-death) visions which
we today refer to as near-death experiences.
The term “platform” was taken from the platforms provided
during seances on which spirits manifested to be seen by the sitters.
The sensitives and mediums who manifested etherializing force ener-
gies also often sat on platforms. The proper term should be, of course,
Medical clairvoyance is another interesting term. Tb get at its
definition, we should first remember that clairvoyance was defined as a
supernormal mode of perception which results in a visual image being
presented to the conscious (or dreaming) mind.
Medical clairvoyance was thus conceptualized as the faculty to
see the inner mechanisms of the human body, diagnose disease, and
perceive the human body aura and its constituents, its shifting colors,
shapes, forms, extensions, and etc., its energies.
Excluding the recalcitrant modernist mainstream, that medi-
cal clairvoyance exists has been established beyond doubt. So, if medi-
cal clairvoyance is possible, certainly mere sexual clairvoyance is also.
The basis for medical clairvoyance was quite accepted in antiq-
uity. Many records describe that medical healers employed clairvoy-
ants (seers) to diagnose, or asked their patients to dream about what
was wrong with them, or asked oracles, omen-readers, or diviners (all
clairvoyant seers) to do the same service.
In this respect, though, the idea of biological clairvoyance might
be useful. The best term, however, might be bio-psychic clairvoyance —
via which both the physical and psychic factors of the human being can
be clairvoyantly seen and described.
TELESTHESIA AS A FORM OF CLAIRVOYANCE
By 1882, it had been found that the clairvoyant communica-
tions between distant persons were not only comprised of “seeing” phe-
nomena, but that such phenomena also often incorporated transference
of thought, transference of emotions, transference of motor impulses,
and of “many impressions not easy to define.”
As might be suspected, this latter comment referred to trans-
ference of sexual energies at some second-sight level other than the
first sight level of the eyeballs.
Regarding the transference of thought, etc., Sir William Crookes
had indicated something you might wish to read slowly:
“It is known that the action of thought is accompanied
by certain molecular movements in the brain , and here we have physical
vibrations capable from their extreme minuteness of acting direct on in-
dividual molecules , while their rapidity approaches that of the internal
and external movements of the atoms themselves. ”
Sir William’s statement remains one of the best regarding the
basis of thought as molecular-atomic activity, and it was accepted as
such back during the 1870s.
But when the context of this statement was applied to the prob-
lem of clairvoyant transference, it became quite evidential that the trans-
fer also produced certain resonating molecular movements in the brain —
and which molecular movements had vibrations capable of acting di-
rectly on individual systems. This led to the idea that there were vari-
eties of “clairvoyance” beside the “seeing” kind.
There was, first of all, the thought-transference kind of clair-
voyance which was not a seeing kind. To distinguish between the two,
the term TELEPATHY was ultimately seized upon to denote the differ-
ence between seeing clairvoyance and thought-transference clairvoy-
ance. This term caught on and swiftly became popular because it was
easy to think of thought-transference as a kind of “mental radio.”
TELEPATHY refers to thoughts across distance. It is a emula-
tion of the radio broadcasting model. During the 1880s theories
abounded regarding utilizing electromagnetic radiation and waves for
across-distance wireless communication. The term RADIO was taken
from radiating. Radio broadcasting was shortly demonstrated in 1901.
There remained, however, the problem of emotions and motor
impulses across distance, and which were still incorporated within the
general grab-all bag of clairvoyance. The transfer across distance of
emotions and motor impulses did not involve “sight” or “telepathy” —
and so new terms were needed to denote them.
The transfer of emotions was referred to as “empathy transfer-
ence;” this term did not catch on for long, and has never been replaced.
So few of us realize that not only do our telepathic thoughts transfer
across disl ancaa, but that our emotions do likewise — especially our sexu-
In 1882, F. W. H. Myers (1843-1901), a leading mind in early
psychical research, coined a new term — TELESTHESIA — to denote
motor impulse transfers across distances.
The THESIA part of this term is taken from the Greek
AISTHESIS meaning perception of sensations. It is most familiar to us
when combined as ANE-THESIA, i.e., utilizing chemicals to deaden or
to cause a loss of the perception of sensations.
There was, and still is, much evidence for the existence of teles-
thesia. Mothers, for example, when their children are hurt elsewhere
at some distance away and out of sight, often feel sensations in the
exact same place where the child is being wounded, plus knowing that
the “hurt” refers to their children.
There are proven examples of telesthesia in the psychical lit-
erature. For example, the case of a Mrs. Fussey at Wimbledon, England,
on November 4, 1914, is typical and famous. At home she suddenly felt
in her arm the sharp sting of a wound. She immediately exclaimed that
“Tab [her soldier son in France] is wounded in the arm. I know it!" The
following Monday, confirmation arrived in the form of a telegram.
The most familiar experiencing of telesthesia world-wide, how-
ever, is sexual vibe sensing which is a combination of clairvoyance and
telesthesia in that telesthesia is a transfer of sensations that affect in-
voluntary motor impulses transferred across distance.
As a term, however, TELESTHESIA did not catch on, even
though its sister term, TELEPATHY, did.
TELESTHESIA was meant to denote the clairvoyant transfer
across distance of motor impulses, and “many impressions not easy to
define.” Again we are among sex-loaded code words of the Victorian age
when sex was taboo.
Clearly, many kinds of stimulating motor impulses might be
transferred across distance, some of which we are even today quite fa-
miliar with, aren’t we?
No one in their right mind will deny that certain “motor im-
pulses” are part and parcel of sexual “communicating” and with emo-
tional motor-impulse responses to it.
Indeed, if in some energetic fashion the sexual motor impulses
did not activate and gear up, then there would be no responses to sexual
vibes whether their source is near or far.
We are now prepared to move on to the next great saga of an
earlier researcher of human energetics. The terms discussed in this
chapter won’t be used, because Karl von Reichenbach’s work took place
before those terms became fashionable. But you will recognize the ex-
periential concepts of various kinds of clairvoyance and telesthesia.
BEYOND CLAIRVOYANCE— LUCIDITY
If there was nothing more beyond what has been examined so
far, then this book would constitute not much more than a special his-
torical treatment of human sensing factors and sexualizing energies
rejected by the modernist mainstream sciences and philosophies of the
But there IS something more, a factor so ultra-strange that it
has taken the first half of this book to erect a reality approach to it. The
ultra-strange factor is identified as LUCIDITY And this and the next
four chapters will be required to provide adequate background materi-
als in order to flesh it out.
DEFINITIONS OF LUCIDITY
LUCID is an adjective, and means suffused with light, lumi-
nous, brightness, translucent, having full use of one’s faculties, sane,
and clear to the understanding.
LUCIDITY is a noun. Two definitions of it are found in Webster’s.
The first is given as “clearness of thought or style,” and in this
sense it is a completely acceptable word even within mainstream work-
Its second established definition, however, might come as a sur-
prise, and, all things considered, even as somewhat of a shock: ‘The
capacity to perceive the truth directly and instantaneously: clairvoy-
It is the background history of this second definition that must
now be examined for two reasons.
First, lucidity is not merely clairvoyance, but a super format of
it, and so the definition above does little to enlighten very much.
Second, there is a very big story involved and which has many
However, any real appreciation of the lucidity story must begin
by making an attempt to bring at least a modicum of authenticity to
clairvoyance itself as a necessary human attribute.
THE ABSOLUTE NECESSITY OF CLAIRVOYANT FACULTIES
The general gist of this and the next four chapters can be brought
to light via the following brief discussion having to do with the neces-
sity of clairvoyant faculties that enable perception of invisible factors,
energies and forces.
We can get into this by posing an important and larger-picture
question about what is actually needed for best chance and optimum
If one takes enough time to assess the fundamental attributes
human organisms need for best-chance survival, those attributes, in
the bigger picture, will be seen as two-fold: the absolute necessity of
sensing the visible-tangible AND the invisible-intangible.
There is a simple computation involved that helps erect the
needed reality here. If one can’t sense the invisible, one stands a very
good chance of getting clobbered by it. This DOES NOT aid in survival,
and there is a fair amount of historical documentation to back this up.
Give or take a little, THIS simple computation was more or less
understood as REAL by most societies up until the time the modern
mainstream sciences “went” materialistic-only.
This event (formulated at about 1845) erected the five-physi-
cal-senses-only paradigm, and whose assumed authenticity thereafter
required the deconstruction of clairvoyant faculties that could sense
It is abundantly true that the five physical senses alone can
usually go a long way toward survival, although what survival is con-
sidered to consist of has some bearing on this.
But the five physical senses alone can often be quite notori-
ously inadequate when, for example, it comes to such matters as fore-
seeing what is going to happen, and when it will. Since antiquity, this
foreseeing activity has been the principal role in all pre-modern cul-
tures for clairvoyance under any format or name.
But in the sense of this small discussion, the consideration is
not between the five physical senses and clairvoyance (and various pro
and con attitudes regarding them), but more pointedly between sens-
ing both the visible and the invisible.
Thus, all human organisms are naturally endowed with clair-
voyant sensing faculties, and this is the principal reason they keep
emerging down through the generations in spite of any societal resis-
tance to them.
It might be added that the modern sentiments against clairvoy-
ance have made such an illogical mess of this that it’s of little wonder
that the simple factors occluded within it are difficult to perceive.
Thus, if it can be stipulated that the human organism is natu-
rally endowed in some way to sense invisibles, then the concept of clair-
voyance is authentic.
However, such natural endowments will fall into certain char-
acteristics in respect of all natural endowments.
Generally speaking, it is broadly understood that all natural
endowments are only of a POTENTIAL nature. And it is understood as
well that and as such the potentials need to be actively nurtured, fo-
cused, honed, and somehow perfected if they are to achieve any kind of
The distinction between natural clairvoyant faculties and lu-
cidity is that the latter comes into functioning only if methods of artifi-
cial enhancement are undertaken.
The story of lucidity is therefore the tale of one such enhance-
TO BEGIN THE STRANGE STORY OF LUCIDITY
The story of lucidity begins as follows. The nature of clairvoy-
ance and other energetic sensing principles are found itemized and ex-
plained in ancient Eastern sources.
During the latter half of the nineteenth century these were in-
vestigated by a number of Westerners — some of whom had the enthusi-
astic idea of activating their own extended perceptual powers more or
less based on the ancient Eastern knowledge routes.
And among those Westerners we now encounter a particular
individual. I will introduce him in the following way.
In antiquity there was a time when it could be said that all
roads led to Rome. In much the same way, it can be said that all roads
regarding modern concepts of the aura and clairvoyance lead back to
the clairvoyant superpowers of one rather startling individual named
Charles Webster Leadbeater.
Leadbeater was such a complex, larger-than-life figure that his
personality and psychology will probably never be sorted out. Thus,
there are many approaches to introducing and discussing his cultural -
Here, however, we are principally interested only in his clair-
voyant faculties, and so first and foremost, it is important to determine
if his clairvoyant superpowers were authentic. And there is some star-
tling, but compelling evidence in this regard.
CHARLES WEBSTER LEADBEATER— CLAIRVOYANT SUPERSTAR
Charles Webster Leadbeater (1854-1934) began his active life
as a British clergyman, but soon joined the Theosophical Society in which
he was to play a prominent part.
He established a close working relationship with Annie Besant
(1847-1933), another prominent Theosophist and eventual successor of
Madame Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, the original power founder of
Theosophy. It is apparent that Besant was no mean clairvoyant herself,
but evidence relative to her faculties is not as clear-cut.
The headquarters of the world Theosophical Movement was in
Adyar, India. During the years just preceding 1908, Leadbeater and
Besant teamed up to utilize “micro-clairvoyance” to perceive molecular
and atomic particles.
Micro-clairvoyance (a modern term) is one of the several
supersentient faculties itemized, in the very ancient Siddhi literature
of the Indian Subcontinent, as “Knowledge of the small, the hidden or
the distant by directing the light of superphysical faculty.”
It is not all that clear why the clairvoyant duo took an interest
in micro-clairvoyance. But they set about working assiduously at this
fabulous enterprise in order to clairvoyantly see and systematically
describe the atomic and sub-atomic particles of all chemical substances.
As might be expected, this effort consumed a number of years.
But in 1908, the dynamic clairvoyant duo finally caused the Theoso-
phists to publish the results in a rather ponderous tome entitled OC-
CULT CHEMISTRY: CLAIRVOYANT OBSERVATIONS OF THE
Most Theosophists then seem to have been completely bewil-
dered by the voluminous book and its profusion of graphic illustrations
of what molecular and atomic particles looked like. None the less it was
revised and added to in a second even larger edition in 1919 by the two
authors who had discovered more unknown micro-clairvoyant facts about
chemical elements. And, after their deaths, it was enlarged in 1946 and
again in 1951. The reason for the postmortem enlargements was most
After the invention of the electron microscope (first developed
in Germany in 1932,) it could begin to be seen that the clairvoyant draw-
ings of Leadbeater and Besant of the atomic and sub atomic particles of
the elements corresponded almost exactly to what the electron micro-
Additionally, the clairvoyants had illustrated some elements
which, at the time, were not known to exist, but later were discovered,
and had correctly identified their atomic structures.
In 1980, the American physicist, Stephen M. Phillips, in exact-
ing detail pulled this entire story together in a book entitled EXTRA-
SENSORY PERCEPTION OF QUARKS — a “quark” being an illusive
elemental particle whose existence was not even suspected until the
Had the clairvoyant duo of Leadbeater and Besant identified
the structure of quarks?
Yes, indeed, hence the name of Phillips’ book.
But they had identified practically everything right down to the
spin and electromagnetic valences of the most elemental particles.
How could two Theosophists, now long dead, identify chemical
elements unknown to scientists of their day?” mused Phillips in two
popular articles published in FATE magazine of April and May 1987.
Needless to say, conventional physicists ran and are still run-
ning for the hills regarding this triumphant clairvoyant success.
But for reasons decidedly obscure, it is perhaps equally mean-
ingful (somehow) that this success caused not so much as a ripple in
contemporary parapsychology— and which otherwise is always on the
lookout for proof- positive of ANY Psi faculty.
Due to the remarkable confirmations obtained after Leadbeater’s
death, there can be no doubt that his micro-clairvoyance was not only
authentic (since it WAS authenticated), but also on the order of some
unusual kind of magnitude. There is simply no other explanation.
The human species may indeed possess rudimentary clairvoy-
ant faculties. But the remarkable micro-clairvoyance of Leadbeater and
Besant can arise only as the result of some kind of very controlled en-
hancement methods and processes. Unfortunately, what these en-
hancement methods consisted of have not yet been distilled out from
the massive collections of Theosophical documents.
SEXUALIZLNG ENERGY ENHANCEMENT OF CLAIRVOYANCE
But there IS one essential clue, at least in the case of Leadbeater.
It iH, however, a clue that no one— repeat, no one— will touch with a
ten-foot pole. It resembles something like a forbidden meteoroid ob-
liquely glancing off of Earth’s atmosphere and heading back into the
dark reaches of space.
As it transpired, Leadbeater caused the Theosophical Society
to be embroiled in, of all things, extraordinary (and rather hilarious)
sex scandals, the nature of which are usually reduced to the lowest
common and standard denominators of moralistic confusions. As it
turned out, however, Leadbeater AND Theosophy managed to survive
As with even simple sex matters, it is exceedingly difficult to
describe the central and entirely complex factors of the most major of
1 hose scandals. So the better part of valor here is to attempt to describe
what was involved as candidly as possible. It is quite clear that
Ixiadbeater was interested in sexual energies, and that he probably could
clairvoyantly see them and their scintillating activities.
His approach to these was probably organized around some kind
of esoteric Tantra “exercises” via which the sexual energies could be
transmuted upwards (as it might be thought) to invigorate and activate
(or empower) other more refined sentient energies that might respond
to auch triggering.
In fact, there are rich traditions in antiquity regarding the com-
munal ritualizing of this kind of thing to trigger catharsis somewhat
along the lines experienced around Anton Mesmer’s vats.
But there is another important aspect involved. It was given
extensive attention by Freud within the contexts he outlined for the
LIBIDO — defined in Webster’s, believe it or not, as “emotional or psy-
chic energy derived from primitive biological urges and usually goal
directed, i.e., sex drive.”
SEXUALLY DERIVED CATHEXIS
However, about 2,500 years before Freud, a quite similar, but
much more dignified, concept existed in ancient Greece — CATHEXIS
referring to “the INVESTMENT [emphasis added] of libidinal energy
in a person, object, or idea.”
In the sense used in this definition, INVESTMENT referred to
“an outer layer, or envelope”— and which in terms of human energetics
places us in the proximity of the aura as the energy field that envelopes
the physical aspects of the body.
The CATHEXIS concept (giving name to a type of peak experi-
encing) also draws close to the modern concept that sexual energies can
be transmuted into creative ones — albeit the nature of the transmutating
steps between the sexual and the creative energies remain conspicu-
ously ambiguous and absent so far.
Another way of putting this, as many have done, is to suggest
that there can be connections between sexual orgasm and so-called psy-
chic orgasm. It is helpful, though, to clarify these types of orgasm as sex
energy orgasm and psychic force orgasm.
In any event, it is obvious that Leadbeater was attempting to
opportune the transmutating investiture of productive cathexis by means
This is to say, to do so via communal, participatory ritualizing
of the sexual energies. This, if successfully pulled off, is a little difficult
^But the idea was that it would “lift” the sexual energies toward
triggering the energetic empowerment of “higher” faculties — and within
whose scope the faculties of super-clairvoyance, super-lucidity, etc., would
be brought on line. ^
Hero il can be mentioned that although Wilhelm Reich utilized
different term* mid concepts, his orgasm-orgone research led toward
achieving cathexis much along the same line as Leadbeater s work.
Now, considering the ultra-prudish, sex-freakish Victorian times
involved, it might reasonably be expected that ANY format of all this, if
publicly known, would undergo extensive censure. Leadbeater’s method,
though, was certain to get him into deep kimchi or do-do. And so it
As all achieved Trantric experts do, Leadbeater distinguished
between the qualities, functions, and powers of the female and male
sexual energies. I
Presumably because males and females have somewhat differ-
ent energy equipment, waves, flows, frequencies, they each have differ-
ent needs. Thus, there is a logic to the idea that the uplifting energies of
the two sexes should be “developed" separately from each other.
Leadbeater’s charisma (there can be no doubt that he possessed
high voltages of it) was such that he attracted a “court" of youngish
males perpetually around him, and which never numbered less than
twenty or so.
Leadbeater was an early sex liberationist, indicating that full
sexual experiencing within concomitants of guilt had an authentic place
in life. Due to the prudery of the times, he covertly advocated the thera-
peutic advantages of masturbation, teaching it and the best ways of
obtaining full therapeutic benefits from it.
His court, however, had an inner circle of students (chelas),
numbering about six or so, who were advanced in their studies.
Hoping to achieve the cathexis investiture of the higher ener- flj
getic envelope, they all reposed in a circle and attempted to utilize syn-
chronized masturbation to trigger the higher powers.
This process required two important provisos, rather strenuous
it would seem:
• that all involved were to time their physical ejaculations to the
same precise moment
• that the electrifying jolts of climaxing ecstasy experienced
was, by each participant, to be lifted, by deliberate attention
and will, above mere erotic enjoyment in the attempt to trans-
mute that ecstasy “upward" so as to mutually energize the
“higher energy vehicles" of all involved.
The exacting, simultaneous coordination among six or so young
males required, of course, a lot of practice.
But history had it that the Spartans had succeeded in this,
thereby making them a Force to be dealt with — as well as had various
elements of ancient Persia, Babylon, Egypt, Macedonia — and of course,
ancient India from which the exoteric and esoteric Tantric formulas
had emerged in the first place.
When news of these activities gradually became more broadly
known, the Theosophical Society was of course embroiled in rather sen-
sational “scandals." One vocal critic indicated that the Society had been
‘laid to ruin — and by one man.”
Leadbeater temporarily retired from the ruin and voyaged to
Australia — where he developed an even stronger following — but even-
tually was received back into the Society as a most honored “Elder
Those who have attempted to analyze this particular aspect of
the Elder Brother’s life have not coped with it very well — possibly be-
cause they were embarrassed by it. However, the analysts of Leadbeater
were probably not well versed in Tantric matters, or in the history of
sexual catharsis of Ancient Greece and Egypt.
With those historical factors in mind, it would have been clear
that Leadbeater did not completely invent the methods — and that there
was a more than adequate historical basis for them regarding thera-
peutic catharsis and metaphysical cathexis as established in antiquity.
This historical basis revealed the existence of a power-link be-
tween unobstructed sexual energies and unobstructed higher creative,
empowering functions— concepts of which infused the so-called “Mys-
tery Schools" of antiquity.
And here, it must be said, is a solitary clue as to why subse-
quent societies (including the modernist ones), which are NOT prepared
to endorse wide-spread development of higher powers, have always felt
it necessary to erect layers of intolerance and confusion not only around
the higher powers but around sexuality issues also.
( Put another way, that unobstructed sexual experiencing and
realization can, under cer tain ^ n^th'ntmn nf the
human faculties of high states of liiri<fl rtv j
Much of all of this seems to have been incorporated into the
astonishing persona of Charles Webster Leadbeater. And so it can eas-
ily be understood why, on the one hand, he represented several layers
of societal “threat,” but why, on the other hand, he embodied a super-
magnetic charisma somewhat impervious to various machinations of
Perhaps as a last analysis, the micro-clairvoyant Leadbeater-
Besant duo espied and illustrated (in drawings) the “anatomy” of chemi-
cal and atomic particles, and the patterns of their energies, before it
became possible to do so by technically advanced methods.
They identified several chemical-atomic particles, the existence
of which were only scientifically discovered decades later.
Eighty or so years after their book OCCULT CHEMISTRY sev-
eral hundred pages in length, their percentage of error has turned out
to be so small as to be negligible.
At various points in his life, Leadbeater was very prolific in
writing about fluidic vital energies of all kinds.
Ultimately, these will in the future be compared to discoveries,
via advanced technologies, of human energetic fields — otherwise once
known as AURAS.
ufc ajU lAAtAT* AOj tW- XtVj
The term AURA is taken from the Greek word meaning “breeze
or air.” Thus, breeze-air is a basic metaphor for those kinds of energies
that constitute the aura.
Implicit in the breeze-air concept are the factors of invisibility
and motion but which are tangible. The basic concept for the aura, then,
is of invisible, air-like energies that are in motion and are tangible.
This motional aspect must deliberately be carried in mind, be-
cause artistic and photographic representations of auras tend to show
them as static and motionless.
In English, AURA is defined as:
1 A subtle sensory stimulus, or a distinctive atmosphere surround-
ing a given source;
2 A luminous radiation; a subjective sensation (as of lights) expe-
rienced because of unidentified mental constituents, or before
or during various kinds of altered states of consciousness ”
Sources other than dictionaries also stipulate that AURA can
consist of “a subjective sensation (as of lights) that frequently precedes
creativity and visionary experiencing,” while “lights” also go off in
peoples’ headsjegardin^sexualizing stimuli.
O \ rvvpc
Even though the use of the term aura has become commonplace,
the phenomenon the term signifies is actually composed of a number of
1 1] •uJ if*’ •
The all-encompassing term perhaps should be the one utilized
in antiquity: AUREOLE . This denoted “radiant lights around the head
or body.” Within the aureole are aural lights and different kinds of trans-
parent “air or breezes” usually seen and pictured as undulating colors.
SUBTLE EMANATIONS OF ANY SUBSTANCE
AURA was first used about 1398 in its ancient context as denot-
e or a zephyr .
as shortly thereafter used to denote a subtle emanation or
exhalation of any substance, such as the smell of blood or the color and
odor of flowers, but especially regarding “the volatile essence of the soul,
that ethereal aura.”
ELECTRICAL ATMOSPHERES AND FLUIDIC PLASMA
By 1732, the term was being used, by Benjamin Franklin among
others, in the contexts of “electrical atmospheres,” not only of the physi-
cal kind, but of more subtle kinds.
This, perhaps, could be likened to later concepts of “plasma" —
sometimes defined as “a fluidic part” of something as distinguished from
suspended part of solid materials. There is a connection here to plastics
(after they were invented) in their sense of solid materials that are
plyable, bendable, capable of adapting, and can return to their original
MUSCLE JUICES AND AURAS OF THE SEMINAL FLUID
By 1836, aura was also sometimes used in an anatomical sense,
apparently with some scientific foresight, in the contexts of “a juice that
can be expressed from muscles;” and “the patterns of growth-fecunda-
tion are attributable to the agency of an aura from the seminal fluid.”
Give or take a little, this, in 1836, is particularly impressive —
because advanced genetic research only today is beginning to under-
stand that our genetic materials may in fact be more made up of bio-
electromagnetic patterns ( or bio-blueprints) which are “carried" bv_thii
physical molecular DNA proteinsj i liese are the patterns which are
transferred to the next generations.
THE TANGIBLE AND EMOTIONAL AURA
By 1863, AURA was being used in the context of: “On approach-
ing the hand to the whirl in motion, a slight draught is felt due to the
movement of the electrified air [in addition to air motion itself.] This
draught or wind is known as the electric aura, and which might tingle
This concept is quite akin to F. W. H. Myers 1882 concept of
telesthesia, which was discussed earlier. Telesthesia consists of the trans-
ference of emotions and motor impulses that elicit similar responses in
those that receive the transference. The electric aura seemingly would
elicit such responses.
Gov CA.es/e- ojuurcv2>.
RODS, UNDULATING BEAMS, AND
As strange as it seems, and even though it is quite an old term,
AURA seems NOT to have been vigorously applied to descriptions of
the phenomena dealt with by Mesmer, Reichenbach, or applied to the
Psychic Force, or to Reich’s Orgone energy.
Rather, the phenomena of these, when perceived, were described
NOT as auras but as emanations usually transparent, further consist-
ing of lights, rods, undulating beams, fogs, mists, and subtle energies,
^etc.. always in motion.
Here is an interesting clue to something that is difficult to ar-
ticulate. If one clairvoyantly focuses on trying to perceive an aura, the
chances are that it will not be seen.
But if one focuses on trying to perceive energies, lights, rods,
mists, etc., the chances of clairvoyant perceptions seem to increase.
WHAT THE AURA SHQULD LOOK LIKE
Perceptions of aureoles during the modern times have under-
gone several phases, the nature of the phases being determined by in-
fluential persons who wrote about the phenomena in ways distinctive
The distinctions as set forth often acted to condition the follow-
ers of influential persons — and thus arguments have arisen in various
occult and visionary camps as to WHAT the aura really should look
Many hearsay descriptions, although not altogether inaccurate,
were given something of a jolt with the emergence into the energetics
scene of one Walter J. Kilner
^THE HUMAN ATMOSPE ffiRE^/
Modern descriptions of auras go back to the early nineteenth
century. But the first individual to really electrify modem conscious-
ness during the twentieth century was Dr. Walter J. Kilner (1847-1920).
Kilner, a medical doctor, became a member of the Royal College
of Physicians in 1883, conducting a private medical practice in London,
and at St. Thomas’s Hospital where he consulted in electro-therapy.
\uA Vavv^oc^ wwAe/ wyA'"*-
He was familiar with the work of Baron von Reichenbach,
and seems to have worked, behind the medical scenes, with clair-
voyants in attempts to distinguish the differences and changes in
the auras in sickness and health — and, somewhat to reprise
Hyppolite Baraduc, at death.
Around 1908, just as the manuscript of OCCULT CHEMISTRY
was being prepared for print in India, Kilner got the idea that the hu-
man aura, hitherto usually visible only by clairvoyant means, might be
made visible if “viewed through a suitable filter.”
After a number of experiments to identify what such a filter
might consist of, he found that the substance dicvanin, a coal-tar de-
rivative (a fall-out discovery of Reichenbach), was effective for his pur-
poses of revealing the aura.
( Unfortunately, the EXACT nature of his tt dicyanin screen ” seems
to have been lost to posterity. ^
In any event, his “screen” consisted of a solution of dicyanin
coal-tar dye between two hermetically sealed pieces of glass, and which
solution gave the color green to the filter.
Looking through it first in daylight, either to desensitize or
hyper-sensitize the eye, and then turning the eye on a naked man in
dim light before a dark background, “three distinct radiations, all lay-
ing in the ultra-violet end of the spectrum, became visible.”
The first was dark and colorless, and it surrounded the body to
a depth of a quarter to a half inch. Kilner called this the “etheric double.”
The second, the inner aura (to distinguish it from the third outer
aura), extended about three inches beyond the etheric double, while the
third, the outer aura, fell a little short of a foot in depth.
Kilner tried various other experiments. He found that the depth
of the aura is influenced by a magnet, that it is sensitive to electric
currents to the extent of “completely vanishing under a negative charge
from a Wilmhurst machine and increasing to an additional 50 percent
after the charge dissipates.”
The overall auras were “also affected by the vapors of various
chemicals, and to loss of brilliance in hypnosis. Illness affects both the
aura’s size and color. Impairment of the mental powers causes a dimi-
nution in size and distinctness. Nervous diseases result in well observ-
able changes in all three of the auras.”
(W* W) 174 \)^ ( >
» VUa ^ y
From all this, Dr. Kilner concluded that “the higher brain cen-
ters” are intimately concerned in the “nerve-aura” and the “nerve atmo-
spheres.” He also indicated that “with the approach of death the aura
gradually shrinks, and no trace of it is later discovered around the
^ ejcA ^
He also laid claim to the discovery that the aura may be af-
fected by an effort of will, and that it may “be projected to a longer
distance from the body and change its shape and colors.” This claim,
however, is not original to Kilner, since it was understood in China,
India, and Mesopotamia as early as 2 T 500 B .C. % *
From the differences in the aura, Kilner also drew numerous
mescal contusions having ^do^w hh^defi^ and healing cures.
He also found that the auras of different people may show “at-
traction,” that they may “be blended and become more intense by doing
His experiments along these lines are not described in detail,
but we sense that we are on somewhat familiar and recognizable ground
here at least as regards sexuality aty-acting because of intensification
via becoming “blended.”
Although not reported in his subsequent books, it was known
that his findings also included observations that “sexual arousal ex-
panded the auras, causing them to intensify, and sometimes filling the
The logical assumption here is that Kilner and others actually
viewed sexual arousal via the^icyanir^creei^
Kilner first published a not very large, but quite momentous
book entitled THE HUMAN ATMOSPHERE (1911).
This reported on the experiments he had undertaken enabling
him and others to see, with their eyes, that “atmosphere.” This book
turned scientific and popular society on their heads at the time.
And for the next three decades, the human atmosphere revela-
tions of Kilner ’s books acted like a blast furnace.
Very many undertook to experiment along similar lines, but
Kilner and his immediate colleagues seem to have been the best to per-
ceive the aura, indicating that perhaps he had a little true clairvoyant
boost in addition to his screens.
Because Kilner had reported that the aura “may be PRO-
JECTED,” and that auras could attract, mix, and become more intense
by doing so, numerous experiments by others were designed to follow
up on these particular aspects.
C VaJ l u
(The seminal reason here was that people might, by “auric will,”
influence each others auras, and the advantages of this seemed obvi-
But this aspect of Kilner s work approached dangerously close
to what was feared the most in modernist mainstream enclaves— IN*
FLUENCE^from f\ 0*<A*<*
Thus, the now predicable troubles began. The “exteriorization
of nerve-energy” was objectionable to modern scientific thinking, as we
have earlier seen, since such was entirely redolent of the empowerment
of direct mind-influencing concepts. ^
Although Kilner did achieve many medical endorsements, sci-
ence in general remained dismissive of his findings.
SCIENCE DISCOVERS THE TH
Scientific resistance to Kilner’s aura findings was maintained
until the first “thermal auras” near the surface of the skin were photo-
graphed with infrared methods during the 1970s.
These auras proved to be about a quarter to an half inch in
depth, as reported in SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN and other mainstream
The thermal auras, infrared in nature, and thus darkly shad-
owed, had been seen by clairvoyants, including C. W. Leadbeater, as the
“dark” etheric double.
The revelations o f thermal photography more or less matched
the perceptions of clairvoyants, although IriAT comparison was not
pointed up in mainstream media reporting on thermal auras.
However, the “thermal auras” provided a new mystery. Whereas
if only heat were being produced, then it would bleed of! into the air
around. But the thermal auras had a distinct edge to them, through
which body-heat emissions were nowhere seen to escape. Since l>ody-
heat emissions do escape, the implication was that some other kind of
energy was perhaps involved. \ ' , . /v
AURAS AS ENERGY FIELDS
AURAS AS ENERGY FIELDS
Because the early modernist mainstream sciences had unequivo-
c ally denounced any possible existence of auras of ANY kina, some.
thing of an embarrassing situation arose as various kinds of technical
electromagnetic detecting equipment bec ame av ailable. ) /
One way to disarm the increasingly embarrassing situation was
simply to adopt terminology that had never been utilized by the clair-
f Thus, the new detecting equipment revealed not aura pulsa-
" By 1971, the equipment had detected magnetic (used now in its
scientific sense) pulsations regarding crystals, plants, animals, water,
air, clouds, storms, wells, springs, various places on the surface of the
planet, and the whole human body AND various different parts of it,
including the genitalia.
Clairvoyants would, of course, continue to refer to these pulsa-
tions as different kinds of auras.
But in their now scientific aspect, the equipment-confirmed
pulsations could generically be referred to as “energy fields”— thus neatly
separating science jargon from the objectionable aura jargon..
Since 1971, science in large part has maintained that the en-
ergy fields can be detected only by equipment — and not by clairvoyant
or telesthesia detection. J
This scientific insistence rather crudely, but clearly, downsizes
numerous kinds of “human potentials” well-attested to elsewhere in
human history^j^ ^
What is so far true, however, is that the equipment detects only
electromagnetic energies — not vita l, animating life forces.
And as of this writing the cutting edges of the advancing sci-
ences are more or less agreed, behind the scenes, that the electromag-
netic energies alone do not account for animate life forms, much less
«aAA ^die4rv^\C ow^sCc**-
»<, C^ulfc£. CcvwyD^V -
‘THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION”
Several elements of the aura energy fields were examined in
the preceding chapter. However, those elements were merely a selec-
tion of the more simple and obvious phenomena of the aura energy fields.
These simple elements needed to be identified, but they were
also presented as background for the additional , highly complex e le-
ments discussed in the chapters ahead. ^
Like most other things that have dynamic importance to life
and living, the nature of energetic auras i$ not a simple matter if one
begins in-depth examination.
As a way of getting into what is to follow, it is worthwhile mak-
ing reference to a bigger picture scenario into which the existence of
aura energy fields will logically fit.
The modern sciences of the nineteenth century first assumed
that the universe was made up of n/atter— and that the physical atom
was the smallest indivisible particle of matter.
When it became possible to “smash" atoms during the atomic
age, it was seen that the atom was divisible into energetic particles.
Roughly speaking, then, the atom was composed of energy, and
this clearly implied that the most fundamental “ingredient” of the uni-
verse was not matter but energy.
Out of the energies, or because of them, the atoms of physical
matter are somehow composed and come into physical or electromag-
As this book was undergoing final editing, the January, 1999,
issue of SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN mag azine published an article en-
titled REVOLUTION IN COSMOLOGY. 4“ CW .
The article indicated that “New observations have smashed the
old [scientific] view of our universe. For the past year, theorists have
scrambled to make sense of the latest data.
“Either the universe is dominated by a bizarre form of energy .
. . or our universe is just one strangely curved bubble of space-time in
an infinite continuum."
\XfoZ. ^ ciMA.Afly’
If, then, physical matter is not the basic stuff of the universe,
but energy is, then a significant question can be posed — at least for
f Why should ANY life systems emerge on any planet only in a
I strictly three-dimensional physical context and with sensing systems
l geared uniquely and only to perceiving the physical forms of matter?
This question can be posed in a number of other ways. For ex-
ample, since energy is the fundamental constituent of physical matter,
why should life forms consist only of the matter and not the energy?
Or, if life foYms are fundamentally erected out of energy, why
should they only possess sensory systems regarding matter, and not
/ possess sensory systems regarding energies? ^
The most comprehensive, and logical, answer is that all life sys-
tems have arrays of sensing mechanisms and faculties regarding both
matter and energy— and in fact it is understood that all life forms are
probably more sensitive overall to energies than to physical matter.
This equates to TWO sets of sensing systems, one geared for
perceiving the physical, the other geared for perceiving the energetic.
While philosophic and scientific confusions can arise, as they
have, regarding the existence of the double matter-sensing and energy-
sensing systems, there is one fundamental area of energy sensing and
experiencing that leaves little doubt in this matter.
This fundamental area has to do with the sensing of dynamic
sexual energies — a.k.a. sexual vibe sensing — and which are invisible to
SEXUAL ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS
There can be absolutely no doubt that our human species pos-
sesses sexual sensing systems, although the efficiency of these can be
distorted or downgraded by societal confusions.
Of course, in the behavioristic context, this type of vibe-energy
sensing is explained away as subliminal responses to “cues” of body
language and behavior posturing.
Such cues probably play an obvious role, but the responses of-
ten occur over distances when the direct sighting of body cues is not
Subliminal perception of sexualizing aura energies is a far more
logical explanation for sensing invisible sexual energies, especially if
the human being is energy-based in the first place.
For clarity here, if one senses another’s sex vibes, then those
vibes are emanating from the other person’s aura energy fields. In that
one is sensing invisible energies in this case, such sensing is a form of
clairvoyance, albeit this term is not usually applied to the sensing of
EMOTIONAL ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS
People also possess energy sensing systems with regard to emo-
tions radiating from energy fields of others, such as emanations of love, ^
hate, acceptance and rejection, danger, approachability, imminent ill-
ness or death, and etc.
Again for clarity, one is sensing invisible emotion-laden ener-
gies from another's aura energy^ fields. This kind of thing is often re-
ferred to as empathy, which in itself is frequently being acknowledged
as a type of clairvoyance.
THE COMPLEXITY OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS
By considering the two types of aura energy sensing above, it
can begin to seem that aura energy fields must be complex if they can
emanate sexual and emotional radiations.
Therefore, the aura is not simply an oval energy field around
the body, but has a multitude of highly complex and dynamic factors.
But this is what might be expected. After all, the physical hu-
man bio-body is ultra-complex, indeed marvelously so. Why, then, should
its energy aura fields not be at least as equally complex?
EARLY OBSERVATIONS OF THE AURA
Many nineteenth century descriptions of the aura seen clair-
voyantly indicate it as 44 An emanation said to surround human beings,
and supposed to proceed from the nervous systems. It is described as an
oval cloud of light, and suffused with various colors. This is perceived
clairvoyantly, being imperceptible to the physical sight.”
From this description (which has had wide exposure) it can eas-
ily be supposed that the aura, in a kind of static passive way, is a thing
having prescribed shape, form and contours.
However, backtracking to the Renaissance, the venerable
Paracelsus indicated auras of a quite different nature:
“The vital force is not enclosed in man, but radiates around him
like a luminous sphere, and it may be made to act at a distance. In
these semi-natural rays, the imagination of man may produce healthy
or morbid effects. It may poison the essence of life and cause diseases, or
it may purify it after it has been made impure, and restore the health.
“Our thoughts are simply magnetic emanations, which, in es-
caping from our brains, penetrate into kindred heads andcarry thither,
with a reflection of our life, the mirage of our secrets. "
THE AURA AS VITAL FORCE LUMINANT
Here, then, is a description of a quite different caliber. Indeed,
the aura Paracelsus describes is not an aura as a thing in itself, but in
his view is actually the vital force luminant, extending beyond the body,
and which can act at a distance.
The direct implication is that the vital force luminant is not a
static cloud of colors, but an active entity in its own right, and one that
would seem to have highly active and mobile characteristics.
Modern descriptions of the aura in this sense are rare. This
rarity indicates a number of things, major among which is that this
kind of aura activity is more difficult to perceive and so it usually isn’t.
But if we consider that there are subtle but meaningful distinc-
tions between perceiving and sensing, then it is quite clear that certain
types of vital emanations which “penetrate into kindred heads" can be
sensed if not actually perceived clairvoyantly.
It doesn’t take any great leap of imagination to comprehend
that although the emanations can be clairvoyantly perceived, they can
more easily be sensed as “vibrations” — i.e., usually, and frequently, de-
scribed as “vibe sensing”
To mention again for emphasis, vibe sensing can easily be
thought of as a type of clairvoyance without the pictures, so to speak.
As it is, a thorough examination of the great accumulation of literature
reveals that nowhere has any rule been established that clairvoyance
has exclusively to be made up of any kind of sight or images.
Indeed, sensing the vital force luminant doesn’t necessarily re-
quire clairvoyant pictures. Non-visual feeling of it is quite often enough,
such as in the case of sensing sexual or emotional energies. One gets
the picture, so to speak, without needing the pictures.
There are many categories of vital energy phenomena that can
be sensed, but which do not absolutely need visualizing.
One most probable reason is that the “information content” of
the sensing is sufficient enough in itself to convey, or result in, cogni-
tive meaning. As will be seen ahead, and in many different aspects, the
concept of energies having information content has wide significance.
THE SCOPE OF THE COMPLEX
AURA ENERGY FIELDS
While the existence of aura energy fields has been appreciated
since time immemorial, it must be openly acknowledged that the earli-
est research group in the modern West to examine such energies were
the working members of Theosophy, especially between about 1870 and
Some aspects of Theosophy have already been discussed. There
exists a very large literature regarding the nature of Theosophy, and to
be sure many definitions of it have been presented.
But as a seldom recognized truth of the matter, it can be stated
that the Theosophists, in addition to their philosophical endeavors, were
researchers of vital life energies and the larger perspectives of cosmic
Indeed, the leading researchers of Theosophy pursued the topic
of energetics so thoroughly that they eventually could identify aura
energy field as “entangled manifestations.”
By 1914, just before the onset of World War I, the Theosophists
in general had arrived at certain conclusions regarding the nature and
constituents of the aura.
It was, first of all, “a highly complicated and entangled mani-
festation.” and altogether consisted of many influences simultaneously
operating within the same area.
Far from being a mere luminous cloud around the physical body,
it both interpenetrated it AND some of its elements were projected from
the body sometimes to great distances.
Some of the auric elements did not belong to the body at all, but
were emanated from “astral principles.”
ASTRAL referred to the first permanent “world" of vital force
energies not subject to or changed by physical death.
As had many earlier cultures, the Theosophists indicated that
the astral was “material, but of a refined texture” having permanent
but quite plastic substance.
The ancient traditions of India divided existence into seven
“worlds” or “planes,” the lowest of which was the physical.
The astral was itemized as the second lowest of the seven
worlds — the world of emotions, desires and passions, and which have
existence with or without the physical body.
The physical bio-body and the astral “body” (as it came to be
called) coexist and interpenetrate for as long as the physical body en-
The emotions, desires and passions, however, belong to the as-
tral, not to the physical body.
And indeed, upon reflection, it is difficult to attribute emotions,
desires and passions to the physical body.
After all, it is made up only of inert, inorganic particles— and it
IS difficult to see how any sum of the inorganic particles could of itself
possess emotions, desires and passions that are otherwise defined by,
and only by, their energetic nature.
THE CO-EXISTENCE OF FORMATIVE ENERGY
AND ITS FORMED MATTER
In keeping with traditional Eastern concepts, the Theosophists
accepted the concept that since the physical and the astral coexist and
interpenetrate, not only clairvoyants could sense and experience the
astral, but “also ordinary men" — inclusive of women, of course.
The cross experiencing between physical and astral happens,
as but one example, during dreaming sleep, anesthetics, drugs, or some-
times as a result of accidents during which the astral “body" might tem-
porarily separate from its physical component.
In this sense, the dream world consists of the astral component
in process of, as it were, thinking, meditating, or visualizing.
As everyone realizes, the dream world is entirely plastic — as
modern surrealist artists have portrayed — while the physical world is
solid — as physical realist artists have portrayed.
Although the Theosophists did imply as much, it would be clear
that the “astral principles” would have their own sensing systems re-
garding emotions, desires, and passions. This would clearly be the case
if the astral world was the world of emotions, desire, and passions.
In this instance, then, sensing of emotions, desires, and pas-
sions (including those sexual) would be a concomitant of the astral en-
It would also be the case that these energies would have, or
result in, “physico-orgasmic” phenomena, especially of the ecstasy type.
But the whole of this would also mean, for example, that a full
part of the sympathetic systems researched by Paracelsus and others
were energetic in nature, and thus belonged by right to the plastic as-
Extending this line of thinking a little further, the more real
human “being” would be composed of the “astral principles” — with the
physical body being only their material vehicle.
In other words, energy senses energy. However, for any of this
to work, the astral principles need to be possessed of Intelligence, or at
least some version of it.
Here it is worth mentioning that although results and effects,
and successes and breakdowns, of intelligence can be authenticated, no
one has the least idea of what it actually is.
It might be observed, however, that whatever Intelligence is, it
is certainly plastic, since it can be shaped and distorted in ways that
can amuse and horrify any intelligence watching. Indeed, researchers
of intelligence have often become confounded when considering the plas-
tic nature of intelligence.
The NATURE of intelligence is a far more complex topic than
merely mapping its various kinds of behavior.
SEVEN KINDS OF AURA INFORMATION SYSTEMS
The Theosophists attempted to categorize different aspects of
the “complicated and entangled manifestation.” They were moderately
successful in this, but there were still some rather tattered open ends.
The categories, “all blended together,” were set up along the
apparent lines of order of importance, as itemized below:
1 the health auras
2 the vital animating and energy auras
3 the emotion, desire, and passion auras
4 the thought-form auras
5 the Karmic auras
6 the character auras
7 the spiritual nature auras
Please note that all of the above-mentioned auras are given in
the plural. All of them auras could be broken down into two subsequent
categories of the “higher” and the “lower.”
But much in this regard depended on certain biases, motives
and predispositions of anyone seeking to establish what was higher and/
And here was a situation that many Theosophists sought to
polemically embroil themselves — usually in ways that ended up not
being very constructive.
For example, theoretical attempts were made to establish sexual
desire as lower-order astral, and creative passions as higher-order as-
tral, or even as belonging to the spiritual nature auras.
But there was one brilliant conclusion broadly shared, and likely
to be of some endurance and future enlightenment: that IGNORANCE
(whether natural or socially engineered) of these categorized auras con-
tributes big-time to all sorts of human and societal difficulty and mis-
AURA MULTIDIMENSIONAL AND RESPLENDENT
The term MULTIDIMENSIONAL did not really come into vogue
until the early 1970s.
However, the “complicated and entangled manifestation" of the
Theosophists is entirely compatible with multidimensionnlity - and es-
pecially if the multiplicity of dimensions can be conceptualized as inter-
And this helps explain, in some part at least, why certain clair-
voyants perceive only some of the auras and not others.
This can be elaborated a little by suggesting that clairvoyance
(of any kind) is both linked to and relative to different energetic
dimensionalities. Energies, if we might apply them to different dimen-
sions, would in the whole of human sensing systems then have distinct
kinds or layers of receptor-faculties that respond only to a given dimen-
So different kinds of clairvoyance or clairlucidity are dimen-
sionally dependent — meaning that if one level of clairvoyance might
activate, other levels might not.
One additional and quite special factor needs to be pointed up.
While it is hardly mentioned anywhere, it is indicative of why so many
never experience a clairvoyant turn-on, so to speak.
If one studies a larger number of artistic representations of aura
energy fields, it can be seen that although their differences can be quite
remarkable, they none the less have a very special factor in common —
beauty, to the degree of being resplendent.
Aside from the fact that the entangled manifestation is com-
plex and complicated, the whole of it from the smallest to the biggest
parts is of beauty so extraordinary, so resplendent, that mere words,
illustrations, or special effects equipment are quite challenged in ap-
In this sense, then, it might be assumed that those not pre-
pared to recognize or deal in beauty are unlikely ever to experience
turn-on jolts of clairvoyance.
Indeed, such turn-on jolts might actually be mentally unbear-
able within otherwise jerkwater realities that exclude or minimize
Thus, if anyone is curious about what auras (or energy fields)
look like, it can be said they are unbelievably beautiful. If this initial
proviso does not register, then one probably can forget about ever sight-
ing one — sexual or otherwise.
THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE
OF THE MAHATMAS
EXPERIENCING THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION
PERSONAL EXPERIENCING OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS
In modern Western times, the definition of clairvoyance has been
exclusively associated with visualizing the energies. It is true that vi-
sualization of the energies is one form of clairvoyance. But that it is the
only form is not supported either by esoteric or anthropological litera-
ture. It is also not supported by personal experiencing.
The central problem here is one of nomenclature. In the histori-
cal aspect of cultures, places, and languages, many different terms were
given to special sensing phenomena that are innate in our species, but
which could not be attributed to the physical senses.
If the different terms are collectively dissected, it can be under-
stood that their most basic intent was to distinguish between sensing of
invisible and visible factors, both kinds of sensing being universal to
our species. *
For example, in Scotland and Ireland, the concept of SECOND
SIGHT traditionally referred to any sensing of the invisible, with spe-
cial emphasis on foreseeing future events.
But the concept also incorporated all kinds of clairvoyance sens-
ing needed to foresee, and which sensing has existed from time imme-
morial in practically every part of the world.
The concept of PSYCHIC PERCEPTION came into existence in
England during the 1870s, and the concept of second sight fell into dis-
use. But a comparison of the intent of the two concepts clearly estab-
lishes that both refer to the same principal phenomena.
Most African and indigenous American languages have terms
equivalent to second sight and psychic perception. Sanskrit of ancient
India is rich in having nomenclature refinements regarding second sight,
but for which there are no equivalents in any of the modern Western
Thus, there exists a plethora of terms that seem different in an
Intellectual sense, but which are in fact referring to the same principal
phenomena experienced world-wide. The intellectual differences can
act as “mental noise” at the personal level with regard to fuller under-
standing of the principal phenomena involved.
VIBE-SENSING AS A TYPE OF CLAIRVOYANCE
One of the problems with the term CLAIRVOYANT hinges on
the general misunderstanding that the VOYANT part of it is taken from
the French VOIR, which does mean “to see,” and to which was attached
CLAIR, meaning “clear,” the combination meaning “to see clearly”.
However, in French VOYANT is a distinct word, separate from
VOIR. In one sense, it means “composed of gaudy colors.” But in an-
other important sense, it refers to “signals.”
If we use the idea of “signals,” then CLAIRVOYANCE easily
refers to a clear sensing of signals. In all probability, the nearest literal
equivalent in English is clear sensing of vibratory signals.
In fact, vibe-sensing is the contemporary generic term used to
denote any sensing of invisible factors, including invisible energies, and
such sensing can take place with or without visualizing.
All this means in technical terms, is that the vibe-sensing is
incorporating information into awareness systems, but is by-passing
the visualizing cortex in doing so.
VIBE-SENSING OF SEXUAL VIBRATIONS
If we allow for this correction with regard to clairvoyance, then
vibe-sensing is not only a non-visualizing format of clairvoyance, but it
is one very broadly experienced.
As such it is most correctly, and very profoundly, used regard-
ing feeling-impacts aroused by sexualizing energies, and with all the
empathies and emotions and ecstasies that can go along with them —
including such phenomena as sexual charisma and telepathic rapport.
If this is considered as a viable correction to the large scope of
misunderstandings, then the statistical base for sensing invisibles is so
large as to probably include everyone in some fashion.
After the broad base of sex-vibe sensing, the statistic would be-
gin to narrow depending on what other invisibles are sensed, and in
what form. The most narrow end of the statistic would reflect clairvoy-
ants capable of visualizing.
This, in turn, would be relative to what they do and do not bring
into the visualizing, for visualizing clairvoyants have existed who “see”
one kind of invisibles, but not other kinds.
In the light of the above, the issues of clairvoyance will always
be in some kind of a mess, if not because of nomenclature and concep-
tual difficulties, then because the entangled manifestation IS entangled.
With respect to this mess, it is useful to observe that clairvoyance in
any format begins with individual personal experiencing that brings up
the additional important issues involve, and without which any clair-
voyant panorama will remain invisible and unknown.
SOME BASIC ATTRIBUTES THAT ARE UNIVERSAL TO
THE HUMAN BEING
To get into the important nuances of individual experiencing, it
is ironic that they can best be approached via the topic of universal
attributes of the human BEING.
The irony involves the trend within the modernist sciences and
philosophies that more or less disposed of the BEING part of the hu-
man being because it denoted something too ephemeral to be included
in the lexicons of materialism.
The materialist rationale was that all of the constituents of the
human organism would be found as solely composed of matter, material
interactions, and physico-mechanisms.
The term HUMAN BEING is still used in lay jargon, of course.
But in that the human being is thought of as the human body, the his-
torical definitions of BEING have sort of been lost. At any rate, and for
clarity, those definitions need to be reprised.
BEING is defined as:
1 The quality or state of having existence;
2 Something conceivable as existing;
3 Conscious existence;
4 The qualities that constitute an existent thing or
5 The essence of something.
To track this a bit further, ESSENCE is defined as:
1 The permanent as contrasted with the accidental
or temporary element of being;
2 The property necessary to the nature of a thing;
3 The most significant property;
4 The individual, real, or ultimate nature of a thing,
especially as opposed to its existence;
5 A volatile (or energetic] substance or constituent.
There is an old adage somewhat appropriate to the above defi-
nitions: What you see may not be what you get.
In experiential fact, even if the term BEING is detached from
the term HUMAN, one can always see the visible matter-body, but one
will also get the being-essence part, too.
And it is entirely likely that the visible behavior associated with
the matter-body is not being produced by it, but by its being-essence
SEXUAUZING ESSENCES OF THE HUMAN BEING
There is one area of human activity to which the above defini-
tions seem entirely relevant and which can easily be confirmed — hu-
In the materialistic concept of things, human sexual activity is
associated with the genitalia. The genitals are neatly dignified as the
reproductive organs, since in the material sense the function of those
anatomical organs is to reproduce more material bodies.
But if the whole of human sexual activity is considered, the or-
gans are utilized for reproduction only about 10 percent of the time.
The remaining 90 percent of human sexual activity is devoted
to such projects as recreational sex, the release of nervous energy via
orgasm not associated with reproduction, and the transmutation of
sexual essence energies into creativity.
Additionally, human sexual activity is often utilized on behalf
of increasing the essence of power, making the essence of money, and
for participating in the enjoyment of the essence of erotic saturation.
Indeed, if the energetic ESSENCES were missing, then none of
them would be pursued.
All of these sexualizing essence phenomena are easily recog-
nized, although one might refer to them as ESSENCE-SIGNALS. And
it is clearly recognized as well that materia] parameters do not even
approach an explanation of them.
But the list should include one phenomenon not usually identi-
fied for what it is: the therapeutic benefits of exchanging and revivify-
ing lagging energies via physical, empathic, and psychic-force intimacy.
All of the above can roughly be grouped into the concept of vi-
talizing ecstasy, and which is entirely useful to the human BEING, hav-
ing, as it does, many beneficial aspects.
To get somewhat of a grip on this, merely consider the concept
of vitalizing ecstasy starvation.
The sciences and philosophies downloading from modernist ma-
terialism cannot explain the human being’s need for vitalizing ecstasy,
whether of the sexualizing or any other kind.
DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN^ERCEIVING PHYSICALITY
AND THE SENSING OF BEING-ESSENCES
On a species-wide basis, very young children experience a lot of
things having to do with sensing being-essences. Indeed, many research-
ers, focusing on how infants deal with information and begin the all-
important processes of recognition, are of the opinion that the infants
literally “feel-see” the energies characteristic of various kinds of being-
As but one example, it is sometimes noticed that the infant looks
at things that no one else can see.
That infants are responsive to vital energies has never been in
doubt by anyone observing them intimately, and this kind of respon-
siveness legitimately falls into some kind of clairvoyant category.
It also indicates the presence of a being-sensing superstructure
in all human beings.
In the longer term, however, it is more important that children
grow up and turn out to be well-fitted to the particular social and cul-
tural realities in which they find themselves.
Thus, whatever the very young do experience, and how they
experience it, the whole of it is quickly to be left behind, with the com-
mon result that childhood experiencing is usually of little permanent
It is commonly understood that certain conditioning processes
are required in order for the child to become well-fitted.
These obviously differ in various cultures and social settings.
But most of them share a commonality in that certain kinds of natural
raw-awareness, as it were, need to be detached and subdued from the
developmental pathways leading to proper adulthood.
So, if all human infants universally possess sensing of being-
essences, this commonality is left behind as their perceptions are com-
partmentalized by conditioning into different cultural and societal as-
Thus, there has long existed a vacuum of information regard-
ing what infants and children actually experience
A significant trek into this vacuum was made by Jean Piaget
(1896-1980), a Swiss psychologist, who in 1929 became professor of child
psychology and scientific thought at the University of Geneva.
Piaget became especially noted for his theories (since proven
out) that the child’s experiential, cognitive, and intellectual develop-
ment proceeds in genetically determined stages and always in the same
Piaget’s seminal contributions were expanded upon by later re-
search efforts. The sum of these eventually revealed that all children
possess factors that are “universal” to our species.
One of these factors, a universal language superstructure, is
born pre-existent within the child. This linguistic superstructure can
specialize in sensing and copying the formats of given language(s) of
the local social environment into which it is born.
Another way of putting this is that babies come equipped with
the hardware of a language computer. This hardware is ready to accept
ANY language software program. Some researchers suspect that in-
fants learn languages not only by sound, but with the assistance of some
kind of telepathic means.
INNER-CORE AWARENESS SYSTEMS
Other research efforts have revealed the existence of universal
inner core awareness systems in every child. These systems can spe-
cialize in copying the given awareness parameters demanded by vari-
ous societal and natural environments. The real existence of being-es-
sence sensing systems would be necessary for this.
As a result, we could picture the human as possessed of univer-
sally-shared, inner core faculties, which eventually becomes cocooned
with an outer shell that is formatted because of various kinds of soci-
All living systems having mobility must at least sense magnetic
types of energies if they are to respond or withdraw from them.
It is quite well understood by now that infants and young chil-
dren do at least sense them via little understood “neuro-sympathies,”
and often actually perceive them by what amount to clairvoyant means.
With the contemporary emergence of the term “neuro-sympa-
thies,” we become somewhat re-lii%ked to the “sympathetic systems” of
That many, or most, young children have some kind of clairvoy-
ant experiencing can no longer be doubted, and most books describing
the “natural child” report as much.
In my own case as a child, I still vividly remember watching
with great fascination the fluttering forms of color sparkling from people,
animals and objects — from my mother, father, grandmothers, and oth-
ers, as well as from caterpillars, leaves, rocks, and so forth.
Female breasts, even if yet undeveloped, mostly had white lights.
Sometimes a red or green beam shot up out of my dad’s head. Blooming
flowers had spectacular fireworks-like illuminations, the most dramatic
being blooming lilacs. Both my grandmothers kept gardens. I could pick
out the dead seeds before planting since they had no lights.
Some lights fluttered about like butterflies. There were some
“whirligig” things, especially on bellies. Sometimes 1 saw streams of
lights going off of fingertips — and beams going out of eyes, although
this latter seemed rare. The local minister had such beams, especially
if he got really worked up.
My family circle was tolerant when 1 described these things,
but got nervous when I asked questions no one could answer.
So I didn’t get into any real trouble until I asked what the “red
light things” were that sometimes stuck out through mens’ pants, espe-
cially the beer drinkers down at my dad’s pool hall and at the Elk’s
So my mother took me to the family doctor to find out if I was
having eye trouble. I overhead him say that “it" (whatever “it” was)
would go away soon.
And “it” did go away — but not completely — especially after it
dawned on me that the seeing was not considered “normal.”
Thus, slowly, pervasively, restrained by parents, peers, teach-
ers, and finally by the unyielding social fabric itself, the child is settled
into the system were it is supposed to “see” only certain things and not
The clairvoyant seeing, however, can reduce back to clairvoy-
ant sensing which is not accompanied by pictures.
And what is sensed can sometimes be articulated in other forms,
such as in descriptive literature and via the visual arts.
In my own paintings between 1962 and 1966, expressions of
undulating lights and energies kept creeping into my attempts at still
I finally gave over to them, and then did a body of work com-
posed of elongated nudes, gigantic males and females, all with blue skin
and burning red eyes — all possessing fantastic energy shells and glit-
tering, undulating rainbow auras, and shooting out radiant streamers
This work did not then fit into the New York art scene, and still
I didn’t see these things, but I could still sense them — off and
It was impossible NOT to have interest in these matters, and if
anything at all, it was this experiencing that led the way into parapsy-
THE “KIRLIAN” AURA
In 1958, two Soviet scientists — Semyon and Valentina Kirlian —
invented a photographic technique which, as they described it, converted
non-electric properties of an object into electrical properties that could
be recorded on photographic film (i.e., electrophotography.)
Their method was a development of a technique known as early
as the 1890s.
For example, in his book THE HUMAN SOUL: ITS MOTIONS
AND ITS LIGHTS (1896), Hyppolite Baraduc, included a photo of a
hand glowing the electrostatic discharges. (Baraduc was the dramatic
photographer of odic and psychic energies reviewed in chapter 8.)
In 1898, a Russian electrical engineer named Yakov Narkevich-
Tbdko demonstrated electrographic photos by using high voltage spark
The Kirlians combined this earlier work with that of their con-
temporary, Viktor Adamenko, a Soviet physicist, who demonstrated a
piece of equipment called the tobiscope, a device used to detect the acu-
puncture points of the human body.
During the late 1960s, Kirlian photography had a few years of
popularity in the United States.
When in 1967 I first saw such photos in color, I was glad to
recognize that at least some of the effects coincided with some of my
paintings between 1962 and 1966.
Especially consistent were the rays that sometimes were photo-
graphed as radiating from finger tips. The emanations were also con-
sistent with what I had learned about Reichenbach.
The Kirlian photographic evidence was not accepted by the
mainstream sciences, and still isn’t. The Kirlian effects were dismissed
as mere electrostatic discharges, since a mild current of electricity was
passed through the hand as it pressed against the photographic plate.
Electrostatic discharges? Well, yes!
Indeed, bio-energetics assumes that the bio-body not only pos-
sesses a strong electromagnetic substructure, but also that it is being
subjected to energetic inflows all the time.
This can only mean that it IS necessary for electrostatic and
magnetic discharges to take place, and these would constitute some full
part of the body’s aura energy fields.
It is difficult to see how the electrical components of the body
would NOT discharge — especially if they became momentarily over-
loaded by even a small charge.
Mainstream sciences don’t have much to say about the tobiscope
that locates acupuncture points.
As it turned out, however, neither Kirlian photography nor psy-
chic photography capture the actual dynamic — even astounding — com-
plexity and activity of the energy fields. And what might be called low-
threshold clairvoyance doesn’t either.
This is to say that nothing prepared me for what I was to expe-
rience in this regard as a result of the copper mirror of the Mahatmas —
the tale of which begins to unfold in the next chapter.
-k V(ni*a4 he UwM
Chapter 18 fccc%,
THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE
OF THE MAHATMAS
The entire history of ALL methods and equipment that might
extend or enhance human perceptions is very interesting.
However, that history is divided into sectors, only some of which
have achieved societal support. Some of the sectors are not even recog-
nized as belonging in the same category as others.
So the entire history has never been pulled together into a given
conceptual framework that can house it.
One of the factors that links the entire history is the fact that
extensions and enhancements of perceptions are highly desirable be-
cause many benefits can be downloaded from them. One such benefit is
that the sum of human knowledge can be increased, often in single gi-
gantic steps. *
However, such increases in knowledge often have serious impli-
cations concerning the status quo stability of given societal frameworks.
It is therefore not unusual that such increases are resisted, together
with whatever methods and equipment might be involved.
Thus, one of the factors that defeats the linking of the entire
history of perceptual enhancing methods and equipment has to do not
precisely with their discovery, but rather what they portend with re-
gard to preserving a given societal status quo.
BASIC POWERS OF PERCEPTION
For clarity, it can be said that basic powers of perception are
conceptually formulated within only the given parameters of the physi-
cal senses, and then within mental activities based on them. In this
sense, any given enhancement of the basic powers involves factors that
increase perception beyond the limitations of the physical senses.
The rough distinction here is between what is visible-tangible
via the basic physical senses, and what is invisible-intangible to them.
Indeed, what the five well-known physical senses can t “see” is “in vis-
ible” to them.
An examination of the structural elements of most societal for-
mats easily reveals that a very large percentage of their “holding power”
is closely linked to the management of the visible-tangible.
Although a lot can otherwise be discussed with regard to such
societal structures, internal preservation of their holding power is quite
dear to their managers, and probably to a large percentage of their fol-
lowers as well.
Thus, feared difficulties might arise if and when perceptions of
the invisible-intangible are introduced into their workings based prin-
cipally on the physical senses &So the chief prophylactic mechanism ia .
to forestall any emergence of e xtended perceptions.!
If the prophylaxis doesn’t work, then more stringent measures
can be designed and employed (as, for example, was the case regarding
all of the rejected vital force research and developments discussed in
DIFFICULTIES OF GETTING BEYOND THE VISIBLE
Recorded human history clearly reveals that most discoveries
of methods and equipment to enhance perception much beyond the vis-
ible had a hard time of it at first, not because what they consisted of,
but because of what they portended in societal terms.
For example, the general concept of the CAMERA OBSCURA
(dark chamber) was known in ancient Greece and had been mentioned
by Aristotle. However, its development during the Renaissance at first
resulted in a significant societal brouhaha.
The camera obscura was a device that consisted principally of a
dark box large enough for a person to stand in. A very small hole was
picked into one side of the box, after which an inverted image of the
scene outside the hole appeared on the opposite interior side of the dark
At first, the black box had high entertainment value ranging
alongside the miraculous. But the idea that external visible reality could,
in some invisible way, be reduced to a pin hole and appear upside-down
had enormous philosophical and religious implications. Many of the black
boxes were seized and committed to the flames, and proper citizens
The reputation of the camera obscura was rescued, in about
1519, by Leonardo da Vinci, who established its principle use as artistic
device. He perhaps succeeded in doing so only because of his exceed-
ingly high standing.
About three-hundred years later, in 1826, the Frenchman, Jo-
seph Nicephore Niepce elaborated an invention based on the camera
obscura. He achieved the recording of a negative image on a light-sensi-
When he coated a piece of paper with asphalt and exposed it
inside the camera obscura for eight hours, a permanent image resulted
on the paper, and the modern camera came into existence.
The scene outside of the black box had, of course, been illumi-
nated. But when he placed a piece of paper inside the dark box at night
when nothing outside of it was illuminated, various patterns of light
appeared on it anyway.
When it was understood that only energies could expose the
coated paper, what was later to*e called psychic-energy photography
had inadvertently come into existence— and which has remained a so-
cietal super-problem ever since.
The invention of the microscope in about 1590, and the tele-
scope in about 1610, were at first resisted with societal vigor, some-
times to the noise of mob anger against them.
The idea that a micro universe existed, composed of tiny stuff
the natural physical senses alone could not detect, was considered he-
retical not only by religious demagogues, but by philosophers and sci-
The idea that a telescope could see through to the macro heav-
ens confounded the concept of seven spheres thought to hover over the
flat earth— especially when another round planet with rings (Saturn)
could be espied.
This was enough to inspire various inquisitorial activities, and
Galileo, an exponent of the new heavenly device, had his work cut out
for him. He survived, but others were carted off to the flames.
There are many other examples of the above, some coming down
to the present. But the point is that societal concerns predominate 1 any
inventions or factors regarding any extensions of perceptions by artifi-
However, one such sector has to do with the enhancement ex-
tensions of perceptions of invisible energies discussed in this book. The
actuality of various kinds of clairvoyance are perpetually embroiled
within this sector.
It incorporates sensing activities that make their appearance
during trance states.
The history of this particular sector has been competently writ-
ten up in a book by the late historian of psychical matters, Brian Inglis,
under the title of TRANCE: A NATURAL HISTORY OF ALTERED
STATES OF MIND (1989).
1 The direct implication copiously elucidated by Inglis is that dif-
ferent states of consciousness each possess their special kinds of per-
ceptual systems — something clearly established thousands of years ago'
by shamans world-wide. /L ,L ,A C • 7
CLAIRVOYANCE AS PERCEPTION-EXTENDING
FUNCTIONS OF THE HUMAN ENERGETIC SYSTEMS
In the historical sense, it is safe to say that any and all methods
to extend the scope of human perceptions into the invisible have met
with societal difficulties, and sometimes to the extreme.
For example, the field of so-called psychic photography is chal-
lenged with an enthusiasm that, by now, is entirely questionable. If
some energy patterns appear on energy sensitive film, normal, infrared
or ultraviolet, in conventional terms the appearance is blamed on fak-
ery, fraud, or equipment failures, and there is a long history regarding
MEANWHILE, physicists have become adroit at capturing im-
ages and patterns of energetic particles passing through the walls of
cloud chambers. Thereby, the real existence of those otherwise invisible
energy bits has been made visible to the naked eye, with “photos” of
them being published in leading science journals.
However, energetic implications of this knowledge package, sci-
entifically acquired, have not been carried over to the phenomena of
psychic photography — a topic that remains camera obscura, without
any apertures, in the black box of the continuing rejection.
Likewise, scientifically acquired photos of certain energy strut'
tures in association with the human body have not been correlated with
clairvoyant perceptions of the same.
CLAIRVOYANCE- ENHANCING TRAINING DEVICES
Throughout Part I, we have seen that the best evidence for in-
visible energies has occurred in relation to some kind of device or spe-
cial environment set up.
Such was the case with Mesmer’s mysterious vats, the constitu-
ents of which have seemingly been erased from history.
The function of Reichenbach’s dark rooms is not exactly clear,
but that they probably functioned along the lines of black boxes, and
were apparently supercharged with odic force by his mediums certainly
needs to be considered.
Certainly, the concept of an isolated box-room-environment be-
coming supercharged by orgone energy played a definite role in Wilhelm
In the case of the earlj*psychic force experiments of Cox and Sir
William Crookes, the medium, Daniel Dunglas Home, apparently car-
ried within his person an energetic supercharge he could activate—
after which the amazing effects and phenomena promptly took place.
One of the concomitants of all these supercharges, even if some-
what different, was that they affected those attending upon the situa-
tions, themselves becoming supercharged, this resulting, among other
phenomena, in sexualizing arousals.
And indeed, even in so-called normal life, those who like to ex-
perience sexual arousal, design or gravitate to environments that en
courage supercharge arousal along such lines.
The point here is that if sexualizing energy supercharging iH
possible, then other kinds of such supercharging are also possible.
And if this is the fact of the matter, then human energetics must
be involved— with special emphasis on the clairvoyant sensing of them.
This sensing results at least in autonomic arousal, even if cognitive
understanding of it doesn’t actually take place.
This is to say that the physical sensing systems are not, of them-
selves, responding to the energetics. Hut that the energy sensings ays-
terns are. This easily leads to the concept of an energetic “entity,” and
which, by ITS phenomena, is somewhat distinct from the mere physical
body. ‘ '
With these observations now in hand, it is possible to suggest
that any training device designed to elicit enhanced perceptual sys-
tems beyond the merely physical ones must, in some sense at least,
first serve to energize the energy-sensing factors of the human organ-
A description of one such “training device” has been in exist-
ence since 1927. The source of the description— THE MAHATMA LET-
TERS— hpwever, is so strange that it of is little wonder it escaped no-
The legendary Mahatmas are said to be Great Teachers living
in the Trans-Himalayan vastness of Tibet or Mongolia.
The term MAHATMAN is Sanskrit, a compound word meaning
Great Self. As described, the Mahatmans are perfected men.
They are men, not spirit entities, who have evolved through
self-devised efforts in individual evolution, always advancing forward
and upward until they attain “a lofty spiritual and intellectual human
They are not created by any extra-cosmic Deity. Rather, as it
might be said, they have achieved intellectual and spiritual supremacy
by lifting up themselves by their own boot-strap efforts.
As a result of this self-lifting, they are farther advanced along
the “path of evolution” than the majority.
However, they possess knowledge of Nature’s secret processes
and of hidden mysteries.
The Great Selves are Teachers, because they are occupied in
the noble duty of instructing mankind, of inspiring elevating thoughts.
They are also Guardians of wisdom, forgotten or yet unknown.
They can be called by other identifiers — Sages, Masters, Elder Broth-
ers, Seers, Immortals, etc.
They are not dead persons, operating from ephemeral realm.
v \j\J vvy ' ■ / \ V
They are alive— with very extended life spans. They possess higher lev
els of thinking — along with extensive powers of clairvoyance and te
lepathy, and with abilities to influence minds of mere men, and to bilocate
and appear to them.
So, of course, most people, during modern times at least, be-
lieve that the Mahatmas don’t exist — if they have even heard of them
in the first place.
However, the Mahatmas communicated with several of the early
Theosophists. As might be expected, the nature of the communicating
was often exceedingly strange.
The Mahatmas would cause letters to be precipitated out of the
air and fall down to a table or to the floor, or cause them to be discov-
ered in unexpected places.
So, of course, the authenticity of the Mahatma Letters was of
some concern (and not a little scandal) to the Theosophists. At some
point, the Mahatmas began depositing Letters in a shrine at the Theo-
sophical compound in Adyar, India.
When the shrine was later discovered to have a fake rear wall,
Theosophy entire was convulsed with Great Doubts concerning the Great
Selves and the possible existence of Lesser Selves who might have coun-
terfeited something or other.
All in all, the Mahatma Letters make for interesting reading.
But only one of them constitutes the substance of this chapter.
A. P. Sinnett (1840-1921) was one of the three principal, influ-
ential founders of the Theosophical Society which came into existence
in New York in 1875.
Sinnett had been a long-term CHELA (student) of the Mahat-
mas, and at some point developed a method of posing questions in his
own mind — while answers thereafter would be manifested by the Ma-
THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE
OF THE MAHATMAS
When the Theosophists set up headquarters in Adyar, India,
I Sinnett followed— and during the course of 1882 he was apparently X
j wondering how to develop increases of self-awareness and clairvoyance. \
V, The Mahatmas apparently had telepathically perceived Sinnett’s J
K\K)\) ' v ^ ' v— v
interest, and so he was in process of receiving letters about this from
the Mahatmas. H
He received a letter which, as most Mahatma Letters were, was I
immediately circulated among Theosophists, and finally published in 4
THE MAHATMA LETTERS TO A. P. SINNETT (1923), the originals of I
which ended up in the British Museum. 1
In answer to Sinnett’s wonderment about how to develop in- ■
creases of clairvoyance, the Mahatmas responded with the following 4
short description of an enhancing device: 1
' The methods used for developing lucidity in our chelas may 1
be easily used by you. Every temple has a dark room, the north wall of m
which is entirely covered with a sheet of mixed metals, chiefly copper, I
very highly polished, with the surface capable of reflecting in it things, I
as well as fbeing) a mirror. I
'7 he chela sits on an insulated stool, a three-legged bench I
placed in a flat bottomed vessel of thick glass — / 'with / the Lama I
operator likewise, the two forming with the mirror wall a triangle. I
“A magnet with the north pole up is suspended over the crown I
of the chela 's head without touching it. The operator having started 1
the thing going leaves the chela alone gazing on the wall, and after the I
third time [the guiding Lama/ is no longer required. " I
Presumably, “the thing going” referred to increases of at least ■
clairvoyance, as well as other more refined perceptions, and which at ■
first required a guide to help it get going.
But as soon as the chela got the idea, the guide was no longer I
DRS. ELMER AND ALYCE GREEN BUILD THE 1
COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE AT 1
THE MENNINGER FOUNDATION 1
I remember reading THE MAHATMA LETTERS during the ■
early 1960s when I was studying the Theosophical literature. I thought ■
it might be interesting to set up the device and see what might hap- H
pen — but never did. ■
In 1970, 1 began volunteering for parapsychological experiments, ■
the successes of which led to working in that field for the next nineteen 1
The work with which I was involved was entirely composed of
exploring perceptions, and had very little to do with physical develop
mental “assists” such as the Mahatma’s copper wall.
Even so, I could find no information that any Theosophists had
ever tested the copper mirror, although it is conceivable that Leadbeater
and Besant might have done so.
As we have seen in chapter 14, the reasons or causes of their
astonishing clairvoyant powers have never been discussed in any depth.
In any event, the Mahatma training device passed from view
until I heard about it from, of all people, Dr. Elmer Green at the
Menninger Foundation at Tbpeka, Kansas.
Elmer Green, together with his wife and co-worker, Alyce, had
become famous during the 1970s in the realm of researching brainwave
biofeedback and “the image-making faculty."
They had established the Voluntary Controls Program at the
Menninger Foundation. The work of the Program focused on the alpha-
theta brainwave biofeedback processes, and was at first funded prima-
rily by the National Institutes of Mental Health.
At some point the Greens came across the Mahatma Letters
and noticed the passage quoted above. Eventually they set up some
informal experiments, the results of which inspired them to enlarge
their approach by setting up a more formal series— during which some
remarkable phenomena occurred.
In an earlier research proposal entitled PHYSICAL FIELDS
AND STATES OF CONSCIOUSNESS (1 June 1983), the Greens indi-
'It is clear from a pnma facie analysis of those suggestions /in
the Mahatma Letter] that both magnetic and electrostatic fields are in-
volved in this elicitation of the state of consciousness called LUCIDITY.
Lucidity, whatever its definition, may not develop to a significant extent
in three copper wall sessions, but the fact that the teacher, \ after the third
time is no longer required, implies sufficient progress by the student so
that he can continue on his own.
“It is the elicitation and subsequent definition of lucidity with
which we are basically concerned . . . whether it refers to becoming clearly
conscious of normally-unconscious psychological processes only in the
personal-consciousness domain described by Freud, or also has signifi-
cance in the domain of transpersonal consciousness described by Jung. "
Elmer Green telephoned me occasionally to describe the work,
and to invite me to participate in it. Knowing what I did about the
Mahatma Letter and its description of a training device to enhance
whatever it did, I was very eager to participate and instantly accepted
the Greens’ invitation.
However, due to funding problems and research criteria, the
written invitation didn’t arrive until 1987, five years after his first pro-
During those five years the emphasis of the experiment had
shifted from lucidity per se, to different proposal, conceptualized as CON-
SCIOUSNESS, BODY ELECTRICITY AND PSYCHOPHYSICAL
LEARNING. The source of the funding had also shifted.
Despite the proposal’s title, the emphasis was actually on “heal-
ing,” a topic which interested the Fetzer Foundation which had agreed
to fund the project with healing in mind.
As the proposal stated, 4< healers often have unusual electrical
phenomena associated with their ‘healing’ activities. If this is factual,
‘healers’ of national repute may affect during ‘healing’ sessions, the
ultrasensitive electrometers of the copper wall lab.”
For clarity, the emphasis of the experiments had shifted from
LUCIDITY to researching whether the “unusual electrical phenomena”
associated with healers would interact with the “electrostatic behavior”
of the copper walls.
The interest was now focusing on the “Anomalous electrostatic
phenomena in exceptional subjects" principally with regard to noted
I felt obliged to explain to the Greens that I was not an “healer
of national repute” and probably should not be a part of this particular
type of experiment.
My expertise had focused in various modes of extrasensory per-
ception, but which seemed to fall into the category of lucidity. Elmer
countered by saying that even so, I had “national repute” as a psychic
and clairvoyant, and that he hoped I would participate. So I accepted
and became one of the nineteen subjects in the experiments.
Although the initial invitation took place in 1987, setting up
the complicated experiment went on for months. I finally went to Tb-
peka during the middle of June 1989 for a week’s work in the Voluntary
I found that the Mahatma’s copper wall had in fact become a
copper ROOM whose four walls and floor were of large copper panels.
The whole experimental situation was exceedingly elegant and
splendid. The copper sheets were hooked into several arrays of com-
puter analyzers which recorded their electrostatic behavior.
The chair was not a tripod, but a comfortable padded one, with
facilities to hook up the subjects to computerized brainwave and other
The whole of the copper room was raised up on glass blocks
whose function was to detach and insulate the room from Earth’s mag-
netic fie ld.
The all-important 14-Gauss magnet was suspended in the air
just over the subjects’ heads. *
The environment was very impressive and thrilling.
Elmer and his several colleagues were nothing if not premedi-
tated, thorough and careful, and altogether an inspiring group.
Complete records were kept in the forms of questionnaires, de-
tailed interviews after “sittings" and frequent general discussions.
I was even permitted to design a limited number of experiments
having to do with perceptual ESP — all of which went exceedingly well
but which, with one exception, are not germane to this book.
I then “sat" in the copper room twice a day for seven days, for
periods of about an hour each. As requested, I tried to “influence the
electrostatic behavior” of the four copper walls, ultimately with mini-
But at about day three, something else began happening. I was
about to discover what supercharging was all about. This was both fabu-
lous and wonderful— and ultimately wrecked my life for about the next
UNANTICIPATED LUCIDITY BEGINS
Some discomforts soon became apparent when I began sitting
in the copper room for two sessions a day of forty minutes at a time.
First of all, it was necessary to sit perfectly still, or as still as
possible, because of the leads affixed to the scalp which were conduct-
ing brainwaves to the computers.
Body movement, especially of the neck, shoulders and arms in-
troduced “noise" into the brainwave-measuring mechanisms and blot-
ted out the shifting brainwave patterns which were thought important.
Second, I had to keep awake, to keep my eyes open, so as not to
reduce the spectrum of the brainwaves to those characteristic of sleep.
One might meditate, or go into reverie; but with the eyes open so as to
prevent descent into sleep. Eye blinking would also distort brainwave
Part of the technique, if it can be called that, was to focus one’s
eyes on the vague reflection of oneself in the copper sheet one sat fac-
ing. I his was interesting for about ten minutes, but soon the eyes wa-
tered, and the reflection began wobbling.
However, in the past, dozens of researchers had hooked me into
brainwave equipment, and so I was familiar with the requirements.
Yet, on the surface of things there was nothing to do except sit
motionless, stare at the mirror image, and do so without drowsing or
MENTAL IMAGES TURN INTO
BALLS OF BLUE LIGHT
. During the morning session of the third day, which would be
the fifth sitting, I found myself reviewing all sorts of things in my mind.
There was no deliberate effort on my part to do so. Indeed, I
didn t particularly want to think, but only to notice something unusual
as a result of the copper mirrors.
It seemed like strips of movie footage were being run, some-
r \ u
times at high speed, somewhat as if time was being contracted or com- i
pacted. Alter a few moments of this, several movie strips began run- ■
ning at the same time. ■
I was not wondering about clairvoyance or lucidity, since that H
kind of stuff was not the central focus of the experiments. The program I
was to see if the copper walls showed any electrostatic changes with a
regard to the sitter. [H
At some point I began thinking that the images were actually H
something of a nuisance. So I began wondering about the why of so
many fast-moving images, but this seemed to cause them to run faster. H
Shortly, they suddenly turned into tiny little balls a metalic dark ■
blue in color. After these buzzed about like bees around a nest, they
suddenly disappeared altogether.
At the time I didn’t attribute any particular meaning to this.
But weeks later 1 sort of came to the conclusion that the movie strips
contained the greater part of what I had experienced in my life.
I felt there was something vaguely “Tibetan” about this, reflec-
tive of some kind of meditation method to review one’s entire life so as
to step outside of those thought-pattern-images.
THE FIRST AURA PHENOMENON ■
As the blue balls disappeared, I began noticing that something
about the copper sheets, which 1 sat facing, had changed.
A transparent, but almost tangibly “thick” dark orange “mist”
had appeared. The mist seemed to be composed of “particles.” The cop-
per sheets were polished enough so that one could see one’s reflection in
them. The orange mist had blotted out my reflection.
Somewhat in surprise, I did the no-no of turning to look at the
copper walls on either side and behind me. I found that the entire cham-
ber was infused with the orange mist, and that there were small “waves”
going on through it. I also noticed that it was slowly becoming more
luminous and more orange.
I naturally concluded the orange field was composed of ener- ■
gies. But since orange has never been one of my favorite colors, I won-
dered why the energies were orange.
While in process of this wondering, my attention suddenly went
to my crotch were, of all things, an erection was in process of manifest*
Mildly surprised, I then resumed my motionless position. But
soon my hands and feet began itching. After about ten more minutes I
looked down at my right hand because it had really started tingling and
there was no way to scratch it.
To my utter shock, I could see the bones in my hand very clearly,
and in more than just a black and white X-ray way. At this, my eyes
began blinking a whole lot, and a series of goosebumps invaded my
entire body. But the long session was now at an end, and I could scratch
Immediately after the session I was interviewed about what I
1 did not yet refer to clairvoyance, because I thought all of this
had something to do with the electrostatic behavior of the copper walls.
During the afternoon session, if I remember correctly, nothing
particular happened, except I thought I could sense that the magnet
suspended over my head had its “north” direction up.
Now. it needs to be explained that the experimental protocols
had certain requirements regarding the magnet, which was specially
designed and contained in a white cardboard box.
As a control for the experiment, empty cardboard boxes were
occasionally substituted for the magnet without telling the subject.
At other times, the magnets were to be placed with the north up
or the south up.
Shortly, I could “see” that the north end had a blue glow, the
south a pink one, and of course the empty boxes had neither. Knowing
about Reichenbach’s experiments, I considered the idea that I was merely
mentalizing the glows based on what I had read about his experiments.
So I suggested that at the beginning of each session, I should
try» by sensing, to identify whether the magnet was north-up, south-up,
or whether the box was empty.
The suggestion was accepted by the experimenters, and all of
my subsequent calls were correct. At some point, the sessions were then
interrupted while an assistant changed the magnet routine several times
so as to gather more data about this.
I eventually mentioned that I liked the north pole of the mag*
V vy II 1(V^
net better than the south pole. Although I did not know it then, the
experimenters had already accumulated evidence that males “per-
formed” better with the north-up, while females did so with the south-
That night, while watching TV in my motel room, I noticed that
the orange luminosity was glowing in my head, or in my consciousness,
and that my body was surrounded by it.
The “effects” were now continuing outside of the copper wall
chamber. It was at this point that I remember the orange light I had
seen as an infant, and forgotten past memories were withdrawn from
These did their accelerated movie thing, and after a while turned
into tiny blue balls and disappeared.
BIOLOGICAL CLAIRVOYANCE EMERGES
At the next session, it took about twenty minutes for the orange
light to emanate from the copper sheets, which I still thought was its
source. I could again see the bones in my hands, but now could also see
the larger blood vessels and arteries.
The vessels were dark blue, somewhat glowing, but the arteries
were brilliant pinkish-red. I felt I recognized these because of my col-
lege training in biology.
But there was also a glowing, blue-green network which infused
both of the hands and ran up the arms, whose bones I could now also
see. The network was exquisite and very complex, but I didn’t know
what it was.
At some point, the orange light began shifting to dark yellow as
it enveloped the entire chamber. Then it randomly began fluctuating
with a number of other colors — like being in the middle of a slowly un-
CLAIRVOYANCE OF ZOOMING LIGHT TUBES BEGINS
Crotch action had again manifested, but I was now absolutely
transfixed and had no trouble sitting motionless.
But shortly I was quite startled when, just to my immediate
near left, a tubular, slightly undulating beam of purple-lavender light
suddenly zoomed up out of the floor and disappeared into the ceiling.
Surprised, I jumped up out of the chair in reflex, hitting my
head on the magnet, and causing most of the brainwave electrodes to be
So, the experiment was interrupted while these were pasted
back on to my scalp.
But while the assistant was replacing them, I could see he was
surrounded by a darkish but yet luminous nimbus. And there in the
vicinity of his crotch was the tell-tale red radiance sticking out a little
through his pants.
I was quite silent while the leads were being reaffixed. The rea-
son, however, had nothing to do with perceiving the energies, but how I
now sensed they were being perceived.
I had studied psychic phenomena for many years, and like most
people I had adapted to the idea that clairvoyance involved only some
kind of mental perceiving. I still think that particular kind of clairvoy-
ance exist 8.
But the tube had zoomed up and through to my left, and I was
convinced that sighting of it had taken place in the parameters of the
eye outside of focused vision. This is to say, outside of the fovea, the
rodless area of the eye affording acute vision.
To be specific, the rods and cones of the eye surrounding the
fovea had detected the tube, much as anyone would detect a motion
taking place just outside their focused vision. If, for example, you stare
straight ahead at a wall, and move your hand just in back of your shoul-
der, you will have some kind of vision of that motion— and your eyes
will jerk toward it so as to determine what it is.
My cognitive brain was whirling, and I was a little dizzy. Amid
my silence, with cascades of goosebumps going on even in the soles of
my feet, I now began to grasp what might be happening.
Despite my conviction that clairvoyance was only mental, I now
recognized that while I was indirectly mentally “seeing,” my eye sys-
tems were in fact seeing the energies also.
If this WAS the case, and as yet I had not firmly decided it was,
here was a significant distinction between clairvoyance and LUCID-
Before we restarted the session, I asked for a drink of water
because my throat was quite dry.
My hands were shaking, and the guy asked why, worried that I
was undergoing some kind of bad effect from the magnet. I could only
say “Holy Shit, Holy Shit, this is wonderful and unbelievable!”
VISUAL PERCEPTION OF ACUPUNCTURE
With the leads again firmly glued to my scalp, the session re-
sumed. I again looked down at my hands with my eyes, and saw (in
addition to the blue network and all else) that the surface of the skin
was peppered with small glowing spots.
Of course, I immediately wondered what these were — at which
point they somehow MAGNIFIED — and I could see them composed one-
half of pink light, the other of turquoise blue light.
Inside of each of them was a transparent lusciously green whorl,
or a minute circulating motion and which penetrated through the skin
into the muscles, themselves now seen as a kind of liquid light like red
Jell-O. I soon realized, with extreme amazement, what these were.
I had always wondered how the ancient Chinese could make
maps of the acupuncture points WITHOUT having sensitive instruments
which could detect their minute voltages.
It was now quite clear to me that they almost certainly had
used MICRO-CLAIRVOYANCE to do so. And at this, I now accepted
that what was going on was the restoration and enhancement of my
own clairvoyant faculties which had been suppressed since childhood.
At any rate, here was some kind of direct clairvoyance of acu-
puncture points, or so I presumed. However, there were MANY more of
them than are usually illustrated in the books and on acupuncture
Further, all were interconnected by a very minute, glowing,
darkish green network, liquid green like the color of deep green water.
I now realized that the blue network must constitute the equiva-
lent of the PHYSICAL neural system which conducts sensations through
the physical body, including those of pain and ecstasy.
What I determined to be the lymphatic system was a network
of glowing white.
The green network associated with the acupuncture was an
energetic one, and thus was distinct from the physical neural and lym-
To put it mildly, I was in ecstasy at this point, and the blue
network was glowing even more in this ecstasy— so much so that my
sensonum itself had gotten aroused, with the result that my membrum
virile felt as if it was about to do you know what (although it didn’t).
Both the blue and green networks ran almost side by side, and
were connected to each other at certain points. I could perceive that
there was a heavy concentration of both these networks in, yes, the all-
important glans or “head” of my membrum virile.
As all this still confusing stuff was going on, I began to get the
small idea that this was not merely clairvoyance. And this is a little
hard to articulate.
Most accounts of clairvoyant experiencing seem to indicate that
there is the object viewed and the viewer of the object. This is to say the
object and the viewer are two different things.
But in the copper wall room, I began to get the idea that I wasn’t
perceiving as viewer/object relationship where boundaries between the
two are important.
Something else was happening. The viewer/object relationship
had collapsed into some form of integrated “participation.” This was
the best, but not quite the most accurate term.
fT/-irvi I ^ thinking about this ,ater - 1 be gan to realize that the term
LUCIDITY was utilized in the Mahatma Letter, not clairvoyanc&-and
that everyone, including myself, had automatically assumed that the
two terms were synonymous.
With this distinction, it would seem that if the Mahatmas meant
clairvoyance, then they would have used that term. But they spoke of
And I now began to comprehend what the Mahatmas had meant
by LUCIDITY— something for which the English language does not re-
ally have a concept or a specific term.
Even so, it’s worthwhile once more to review the dictionary defi-
nition of LUCIDITY. The first definition is given as clearness of thought
or style. But the second is “a presumed capacity to perceive the truth
directly and instantaneously, as in clairvoyance.”
LUCID DREAMING, for example, may have to do with seeing
colors and shapes clearly. But it also refers to dreaming of the truth of
things or matters.
Sitting in the copper room, I began to get the idea that the lu-
cidity of the Mahatmas was composed of several layers or levels of clair-
voyance functioning all at once. I don’t remember having seen anything
like all this as a child back in my butterfly-light days.
But here, almost magically so, were “refinements" so absolutely
delicate they were unbelievable. And the sense of the trans-dimensional
something (no word exists for this) seemed capable of “connecting up”
with EVERYTHING EVERYWHERE.
The absolute beauty of all this was, and has remained, inde-
scribable. “Fabulous” doesn’t even do justice to the wonderous beauty
I later found color illustrations in a book entitled ENERGY
ECSTASY (1978) by Bernard Gunther that came close. Although I had
this book in my library for some time, 1 didn’t pay it much attention
because it seemed to me that the book’s artist was taking liberties.
ENERGY ECSTASY is a book about “human energies, the en-
ergy body, and the chakras.”
But Gunther’s illustrations, although beautiful and in color, still
don’t do justice, most probably because the illustrations are presented
in only the two dimensions of the page.
It is true that the sparkling radiances of all these exquisite en-
ergies can be suggested visually on a 2-dimensional page, but their gor-
geous fluidic motions have a 3-dimensionality that can’t be portrayed.
Someday someone will figure out how to film these energies as
motion pictures, and when this happens everyone will be in for an abso-
lute and awesome thrill.
LUCIDITY AT WORK OUTSIDE OF THE
COPPER WALL ROOM
The next mind-boggling thing that occurred took place immedi-
ately after the session.
There was some kind of heated upset taking place in the com-
puter room regarding the computers, some of which had inexplicably
gone down during the session.
When 1 entered it after being detached from the brainwave leads,
the computer room was bathed in red light, with electric-like brighter
red beams shooting around here and there. And I, who could now see
these, was not even in the copper chamber any longer.
I actually attributed this seeing to my imagination because it
would be expected that upsets might produce angry red “vibrations.”
Dr. Green was present in the red-lit computer room, and he was
busy trying to calm down the flaring up situation. It was then I noticed
a circular whitish “light” in the center of his forehead just slightly above
And THIS I understodO to be an important chakra. And it is
necessary to introduce the topic of chakras before going on with the
The term CHAKRA is lifted directly into Western languages
from the Sanskrit of ancient India.
In its original meaning it signified “wheel,” but more precisely
the “turning” of anything that turns or revolves. Thus, in ancient India,
it also signified a cycle, a period of duration, in which the wheel of time
turns once. It also referred to horizon, as being circular or of a wheel-
CHAKRA also refers to certain centers of the body having to do
with energy, which are said to collect streams of energy of different
In ancient India, the energy was referred to as PRANA. That
term is derived from the Sanskrit PRA, a prefix meaning “before,” and
AN, a verb meaning “to breathe, to4)low, and to live.”
PRANA is therefore usually translated as “life,” or as the “Life
Principle,” but it has a more technical description as “the psycho-elec-
trical veil or psycho-electrical field manifesting in the individual as vi-
As to the numbers and different kinds of pranic energy, various
Asian sages have indicated them as three, others as five, some as seven
or twelve, and one writer gave the number as thirteen.
The most important distinction regarding the pranic energies
is that they do not entirely originate or belong to the biological body or
to its own energetic fields, but belong more to the natural pranic energy
reservoirs of the planet (or as some indicate, of the cosmos.)
However, the pranic energies are “breathed in” as life-currents,
or vital fluids, to the body systems via energetic apertures in the body’s
energetic aura, and, according to clairvoyant sensing, are perceived as
a turning wheels, i.e., as the CHAKRAS.
In the largest sense probable, CHAKRA could refer to any turn-
ing that collects energy, or into which or through which energy flows to
or out of. So it could include such objects as galaxies, black holes, and
the little whirlpools one sees as water goes into a drain. It is the flowing
of the energy that sets up the turning.
However, in its most Westernized sense, chakra refers to cer-
tain major energy centers of the human body, of which seven are com-
monly enumerated, although there are many more lesser, but equally
In any event, chakras are etheric energetic functions that “work”
in accord with collecting and distributing the number of vital fluids
inflowing and exhaling with regard to the Life Principle manifesting as
a physical-electric body.
CLAIRVOYANT PERCEPTION OF THE CHAKRAS
Although achieved clairvoyants sometimes specify ten major
chakras, three of these are usually avoided, leaving seven that are usu-
ally referred to.
The seven are positioned in the bio-body energy fields at the
crown of the head, between the eyebrows, at the throat, the heart, the
spleen, the solar plexus, the base of the spine.
As might be suspected by now, the three chakras usually avoided
have intense sexual implications.
Thus, most sources indicate that ‘The three remaining chakras
are situated in the lower part of the pelvis and normally are not used”
for the reason that these are connected to the astral world of “sexual
magic” into which it is better not to make treks and fool around.
THE KUNDALINI ENERGY CHAKRAS
In the larger picture, all of the usually avoided chakras are di-
rectly associated to Kundalini energy.
This is defined as a “cosmic energy latent in the human organ-
ism responsible for sexual activity and also conditions of higher con-
sciousness.” And so here FINALLY is a traditional link between for-
mats of sexual energy and formats of higher consciousness.
The difficulty in integrating ALL of the above factors is that if
one wishes to obtain “higher consciousness,” then it would seem that
ALL of the chakras have to become activated — including the three
■ While it is true that higher intelligence can be obtained by “work-
I ing with” only the seven best known chakras, obtaining “higher con-
sciousness” as distinct from mere higher intelligence is another matter.
Higher consciousness, it is said, is achieved only via some kind
W of Kundalini awakening.
V THE LOCATIONS OF THE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS
ft The locations of the three avoided chakras are not merely in the
■ In both males and females, one of them is directly on the pubic
mound, the second is in the cleft between the physical sex apparatus
■ and the anus.
H The third avoided chakra is admitted as existing in some sources,
H but without specification as to where it is located.
H Depending on the degree or level of one’s clairvoyance or lucid-
■ ity, different layers or dimensions of the entangled manifestation be-
1 come apparent. Different aspects of the aura or energy field become
■ visible, and a large variety of different kinds and sizes of chakras be-
H come exposed. *
It would seem, then, that the existence of the seven chakras is
■ more easily perceived by a form of clairvoyance that is “turned on” more
■ easily than other more complex clairvoyant formats.
■ However, this does not at all detract from the considerable im-
■ portance of the seven chakras most usually perceived. The only mean-
I ing here is that they are most easily seen, and thus most frequently
If the aura or energy field is a multidimensional affair, then it
is reasonable to expect that there are different dimensional forms of
■ clairvoyance and/or lucidity. However, if lucidity is taken as a super
■ form of clairvoyance, then perceptual elaboration would be greater in
■ the lucidity state.
I THE CHAKRAS ELABORATED VIA TH EOSOPHY
As to written sources concerning the aura and the chakras, there
I I is no getting around the fact that the indomitable and quite prolific
I I Elder Brother of Theosophy, Charles Webster Leadbeater, put his de-
ll scriptive stamp on them quite vividly.
Among his numerous contributions in this regard, in 1895 he
published THE AURA: AN ENQUIRY INTO THE NATURE AND FUNC-
TIONS OF THE LUMINOUS MIST SEEN ABOUT HUMAN AND
Between 1895 and 1925, he published at least six other books
along these lines, each addressing different and more complex issues.
Then, in 1927, he published THE CHAKRAS: A RECORD OF
CLAIRVOYANT OBSERVATIONS— and which has been reprinted about
every eight years since.
This is a quite wonderful and vibrant book, and the*even ma-
jor chakras are colorfully illustrated, albeit in idealized ways.
It should be noted that the major seven can look quite different
from individual to individual.
ENERGIES DENSE ENOUGH TO BE VISIBLE
Leadbeater first indicates that ordinary men have to confine
their attention to that part of the body which “is dense enough to be
visible to the eye.” Therefore, most of them are probably unaware of the
existence of a type of matter which is invisible, though still physical.
In quite straightforward English, Leadbeater indicates that the
invisible parts constitute the “vehicle” through which “now the streams
of vitality which keep the body alive,” and without them “the ego," among
other misfortunes, “could make no use of the cells of his brain.”
As to the chakras, or “force centers” as he also calls them, these
are “points of connection” via which vitality energy from different
“planes” flows from one “vehicle” of man to another.
“Anyone,” says Leadbeater, “who possesses a slight degree of
clairvoyance may easily see them in the etheric double, where they show
themselves as saucer-like depressions or vortices in its surface.
He goes on to describe that when the force centers are “quite
undeveloped, ’’they appear as small circles, perhaps two inches in di-
ameter “glowing dully in the ordinary man."
If awakened, vivified and developed, they “are seen as blazing,
coruscating whirlpools, much increased in size, and resembling minia-
ture suns.” . . . , ,
All of these “wheels are perpetually rotating, and into the hub
or open mouth of each a force from the higher world is always flowing
a manifestation of the life-stream issuing from . . . what we call the
Leadbeater ALSO addresses such issues as the arousing of
Kundalini, the awakening of the etheric chakras, various kinds of Yoga,
a topic entitled “casual clairvoyance,” dangers of “premature awaken-
ing,” and spontaneous awakening of Kundalini.
All sources considered, Leadbeater’s book on the chakras is quite
wonderful, concise, and exemplary of invisible consistencies with ear-
lier Eastern sources.
It does NOT, however, include discussions of the three “pelvic”
NETWORKS WITHIN THE
For the next sitting in the copper chamber I arrived quite sub-
During the night in the motel room, I had decided to try some-
thing which seemed to require some courage — to look into my body at
the internal organs.
I had diagrammed those organs time and again back in college
in my anatomy courses, and sketched them for doctors during autop-
sies to make a little extra money.
But the prospect of seeing my own organs was another matter.
There is a certain fear attached to this.
LUCIDITY OF INTERNAL BODY ORGANS
At some level of consciousness we know these organs are mor-
tal, that they will ultimately fail, and when they do we will be dead.
How would I respond if it turned out I should see something quite dread-
ful about my OWN organs?
There is a certain insulation when objectively seeing the organs
of others; most people, though, are squeamish about their own.
I never thought I was squeamish; but now found out that I was.
So there was a certain reluctance to this decision.
None the less I, reclined on the motel bed, pressed my lips firmly
When my hands again turned transparent I shifted my atten-
tion to the bio-body’s heart — to find it either encased in or radiating a
soft golden light.
EXAMINING THE HEART VIA LUCIDITY
Because I like rich foods and good wine, I was worried, of course,
that I'd see globs of cholesterol usually taken to mean approaching heart
Hut in moving through l Inn organ, magnifying its interior. I could
see very little cholesterol. (One of the first things I did when I got back
to New York was to ascertain my cholesterol count — with was consid-
Strangely, I could hear the rushing of the blood, but not the
EXAMINING THE INTESTINES VIA LUCIDITY
Somewhat relieved, I “did” the stomach, liver, pancreas, etc.,
and, biting my teeth, the intestines. All of these seemed okay to me. But
the interior walls of the lower colon seemed to be slimy and impacted
with mucous and old waste which had hardened and not been excreted.
This had congealed into a rubbery hard substance — and was
producing a dull black aura.
Here, then, was a “dirty colon” which I had read about. I was
later to see that this adverse condition is not unusual when I looked
into other peoples’ intestines.
Indeed, just as I was preparing to write this chapter, the NEW
YORK POST (20 July 1995) published a short article about a forthcom-
ing Elvis Presley documentary entitled “Eating Elvis.” Presley’s eating
habits were awesome and awful. The article quotes the medical exam-
iner who performed the autopsy, who said that Presley’s colon was im-
pacted with a clay-like substance which could have been the cause of
his death. (I later undertook some rigorous colon cleansing methods.)
EXAMINING THE BRAIN VIA LUCIDITY
Having confronted the stuff in my colon, I dared to see into the
brain. Here, seen with lucidity, is certainly a wonder of wonders. But
how to describe it?
If the brain is to be thought of only as biological matter, then
inside the skull a large part of the biological matters seemed to be some
kind of water.
But if the brain is seen as the aura networks of lights and radi-
ances, then the energy-brain extends out through the skull and inter-
penetrate the entire bio-body, envelope it, and extend at some distance
In this sense, the brain is a “fountain” emitting sprays of light
out from the top of the head in the ways magnets have been determined
These then curve downward, like an ultra-fine mist or dew, cas-
cading all around the body and then move back up into the body through,
of all places, the soles of the feet.
The whole of this SPARKLES with a wild assortment of colors.
Associated with this are some darker-colored “bands,” which, in
my way of expressing them, are “more heavy.”
These, too, rise up out of the top of the skull, often to a height of
three to five feet, and then turn downward.
They then encapsulate the body at about a distance of one to
two feet on its exterior, and reenter the soles of the feet. They extend
into the floor or ground usually about five feet.
I called these "magnetic bands” — but only because of the lack of
a more precise term.
These slowly, very slowly, rotate around the bio-body either clock-
wise or anti-clockwise in different people, and occasionally change the
W direction of rotation as if some kind of a “polarity shift” takes place.
■ I really had no idea (and still don’t) about what they are. But on
average, they do constitute an extended and roughly ovalesque shape —
the only ovalesque shape I’ve ever managed to see regarding personal
1 human auras.
I There are never less than five bands, but some people have as
many as ten — especially if they are sexually “complicated” as we will
■ Their main source or conduit, however, does not appear to be
, the brain. They merge in the esophagus and seem to flow through it.
I EXAMINING THE SPINE VIA LUCIDITY
1 From the spine emerges a complex network, usually dark pink
in color, which extends through and around the entire body from the
skin all the way into each and every internal organ. This network seems
1 to culminate in the nails of the toes and fingers, and the hair follicles,
all of which then emit rays of pink and bluish light (as seen, for ox-
■ ample, by von Reichenbach’s sensitives.)
In what I later was told by doctors to be long-term, emotionally
depressed people, this network has lost its luster and has darkened, In
I VC \ VVJVJKKO
I -j j \ s
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those taking sedatives or depressants, this particular network seems to
have weakened, and in some cases has vanished altogether.
EXAMINING UNKNOWN NETWORKS VIA LUCIDITY
However, most visible are the “networks” of which there are
several, while it seems none of them are really known to anatomically
Indeed, the entire bio-psychic organism (a term which by now I
am obliged to utilize,) seems to be densely composed of networks of all
kinds and which entangle each other.
If these nets are not seen magnified, they altogether can be seen
as mists of lights whose combined radiance extends to about a foot or
more outside of the bio-body proper.
In this sense, their combined luminosity can look like an oval
aura. But when magnified, in fact they are not oval, since all of them (or
at least all that I’ve managed to see) more or less follow the contours of
the bio-body from the surface of the skin inward and outward.
The skeleton has its own special net, which, to me, seems very
strongly and heavily “magnetic” in nature. Any damage to this particu-
lar network can easily result in some form of unconsciousness.
What is distinctly emitted from the bio-body, however, are rays,
beams, and what I call “bubbles” of energy.
The bubbles can be exceedingly tiny or quite large — and they
are like spores or globules of light of many different colors, intensities,
All of the rays, beams and bubbles can project or drift far afield,
and all of them can quite easily be absorbed and disappear into the
auras of others. The processes of absorption can take place in fractions
of seconds or more slowly.
The various kinds of rays and beams can extend for quite some
astonishing distance from the bio-body as we shall see ahead. All of this
equates to “medical clairvoyance” which has already been mentioned.
Particularly noticeable are those rays and beams having to do
with sexual energies, and the energies of love, hate, desire, and the
Indeed, when impacting into the fields of others, there is a kind
of splash of energies, as if a rock hitting water. All of these can quickly
be “absorbed” into the energy fields of others.
And so for the first time I really came to understand that those
kinds of rays and beams have tangible “substance.”
And it all became very real to me, especially when after the
copper room session, I told Dr. Green and his associates “Well, I’ve seen
my internal organs.”
They were, of course, suitably awed. But no one asked what I
had seen regarding my own organs. Rather they all wanted to know
what I could see regarding THEIR organs.
So happily at first, I began to look at a variety of internal or-
gans. For example, one of those persons had a liver which looked whit-
ish and sort of “water-logged.” and which was considerably different
from all the other livers.
I had no idea at all of the possible meanings of this, and was
hesitant to tell the person about his liver.
And although I didn’t realize it at the time, this kind of seeing
into others was an innocent prelude of more vastly complicated things
to come. I was shortly to encounter a vast number of things about auras
and organs which were completely incomprehensible mysteries to me,
factors which I could NOT find mentioned in books.
MY VERY OWN COPPER MIRROR
Even before the working sessions in Topeka drew to a close, I
was completely “sold” on the copper mirror device of the Mahatmas.
And I wanted my own personal copper mirror.
I couldn t, of course, construct the elegant, four-walled room at
the Menninger Clinic. But I could easily build the device described in
the Mahatma Letter to A. P. Sinnett.
I asked Dr. Green and Wendell Spencer, the project’s biomedi
cal technician, to build an exact replica of their magnet, which had to be
constructed because magnet manufacturers no longer build them.
Back in New York I went to a sheet metal supplier and became
the proud owner of an H-fool by a foot sheet of copper. This was fixed
to a large piece of plywood. After the direction of true magnetic north in
New York had been determined by compass, the copper sheet was sus-
pended in a small room so that I could sit facing it to the true north.
The magnet, reproduced exactly as the one at the Volunteer
Controls Program, duly arrived about two months later, together with
a bill for $210.
I suspended it over my head, sat down in the chair which was
lifted up on four glass blocks, and was in business. After which, my
entire world began to unravel. There were three reasons for this.
The first was that the LUCIDITY which was so easy to turn on,
turned out to be not so easy to turn off.
The second was that the ratio between (1) what I thought I could
understand, and (2) what I did not understand AT ALL dramatically
increased in favor of the latter.
The third reason was that it shortly transpired that I didn’t
need the magnet or the copper sheet to turn on the LUCIDITY.
Indeed, it was soon turned on all of the time, twenty-four hours
a day, even in my dreams, and nothing I could do seemed either turn it
off or even calm it down.
I was living in a realm of lights, rays, beams, bubbles, intermix-
ing auras, traveling “thunderbolts" of wayward energies.
It got so bad that I was seeing the luminosities around door
handles and the materials of buildings, the lights emanating from my
computer screen, the green and purple emanations of the asphalt streets,
and the in-sucking of energies by plastics, and on and on beyond imagi-
So distorting did all of this become that I had to step from the
curbs very carefully, not being quite sure where the cement actually
ended and where a “luminosity” began. The lucidity of the Mahatmas
was getting to be too much!
TURNING OFF WHAT THE COPPER MIRROR
As has already been mentioned, the auras and energy fields of
the human are multidimensional, each dimension becoming apparent
to perception only via a different kind or level of clairvoyance.
Several levels or thresholds of clairvoyance operating simulta-
neously seems to be what the Mahatmas meant by LUCIDITY.
shifting; thresholds of clairvoyance
In my experiencing th e multidimensional situation b ecame in-
creasingly problematical in that boundaries of the numerous dimen-
sions usually are not distincLand sometimes often blend into each other
Several types of clairvoyance have been mentioned in earlier
chapters — such a s X-ray, medic al, micro- and macro-clairvoyanc e, trav-
eling clairvoyance and spirit-seeing clairvoyance.
- Tb these could be added sensitivity to earthquakes, dowsing,
and sexuality— and telepathy, too, which can be described as a kind of
extending clairvoyance across distances and through barriers.
If some part of these differing clairvoyant thresholds manifest
simultaneously, then a mass (and a mess) of beautiful energies flicker-
ing, coming and going, can result.
MIND FILTERS BLOCKING CLAIRVOYANCE
Another situation not identified in any source available to me is
that if the being-energy-body “decides,” so to speak, to manifest in one
or two particular dimensions, then the rest vanish, at least temporarily.
But this vanishing also means that they disappear from clair
In this regard, it would appear that many clairvoyants seeing
one or two kinds of dimensional energy activity might not notice others.
This might have something to do with the dimensions, thought
\ U- [ MV 3 ' ’
systems, or beliefs the clairvoyants themselves are working in. For ex-
ample, it is quite well understood that mental conditioning (for what-
ever reason) establishes “filters” in the mind.
These often prevent certain kinds of observing processes. Thus,
a clairvoyant who is prudish regarding sexuality might not be enabled
to see sexuality manifestations in the auras.
This is to say that the extent of aura seeing may be dependent
on what fits into a clairvoyant’s given reality and/or knowledge levels.
As it is, an extensive survey of reports and literature regarding
clairvoyant perception of auras reveals that sexualizing energies are
Considering that sexualizing energies are important, and that
if not clairvoyantly seen, they are often sensed and literally felt by oth-
ers, something here becomes recognizable because of its absence.
THE DOUBLE PROBLEM OF NOT ENOUGH CLAIRVOYANCE
TOO MUCH LUCipnY
IF human vitalizing energies do exist, and IF
the universal capability of sensing-seeing them via various kinds of clair-
voyance, then there can be the problem of having too little clairvoy-
On the other hand, if the multidimensionality factor is incorpo-
rated, then sensing-seeing too much via lucidity can also become some-
thing of a problem.
For comparison, if ten different movies are shown simulta-
neously on the same screen, each on top of one another, then the whole
might come to look more like a mess of flickering luminosities.
I was not exactly aware that the latter problem of TOO MUCH
could exist as my very own lucidity increased by sitting in front of my
very own copper mirror. In any event, I am sometimes a stalwart soul
regarding psychic things, and I persevered the best I could.
I was well along into the complex difficulties regarding IN-
CREASES in lucidity when the first real crisis became apparent. This
occurred when I had to take a bus or subway somewhere.
Stepping into a subway car now meant stepping into the bewil-
dering arrays of auras of all the other riders — or into a riot of conflict-
ing energies, the whole of which was both breath-taking and sapping.
The auras of some people are very “bad" and/or “negative” in an “ugh!”
kind of way.
At first I made the best of it, studying the auras of this or that
passenger. But then in one young man’s aura I perceived, of all things,
a rectangular black “bar” complete with 90-degree angular corners, just
outside of his body over the solar plexus area. I had no idea AT ALL
what this was, and still don’t.
Then there were all kinds of energies pumping out of bodies
and jumping hither and thither— and into the bio-bodies of OTHERS,
including mine. In short, too much of this had, as it were, become really
TURNING LUCIDITY OFF
I tried to turn it off myself. But to little avail. I soon realized I
I telephoned the clairvoyant healer, Carmen de Barazza, an old
friend whom I trusted implicitly, but didn’t see very often. All I indi-
cated to her over the telephone was that I REALLY needed to talk to
her, but didn’t explain why.
“Wow!” Carmen said, when I first walked into her office, “all of
your chakras are WIDE OPEN!”
I said, “Well, for Chrissakes, let’s figure out how to close them
down!” I explained everything to her.
She “tested” my lucidity — and flattered me by saying that I could
“see” many things she couldn’t.
With her help, we managed to bring about a kind of SMALLER
LUCIDITY that more or less responded to my conscious control, a pro-
cess that needed about ten visits to the wonderful Carmen.
Its too bad that the Mahatmas did not provide warning provi-
sos in their suggestions regarding how to enhance LUCIDITY.
Meanwhile, I occasionally worked with three medical doctors to
help them diagnose difficult patients. However, my lack of detailed
medical knowledge about diseases and conditions proved to be a draw
back. In this particular work, I sometimes saw the ominous dull black
It was very hard for me to say that these forecast approaching
physical death. And I DIDN’T WANT to say it. What if I was wrong?
I also saw a lot of auras with dull black “holes” in them, espe-
cially in a number of AIDs patients. I simply didn’t have the heart to
EXPERIENCING A SIMPLE EXAMPLE
OF MEDICAL CLAIRVOYANCE
However, what I consider to be my most fulfilling example of
"medical clairvoyance” occurred when a complete stranger who had
heard of me came with the complaint that one of his toes had itched for
about six months to his complete distraction.
X-ray and other tests had been taken. But no doctors could say
what was causing the itch.
I examined the guilty toe with “medical clairvoyance,” at first
seeing nothing. Then I did “micro-clairvoyance” and Voila! There was a
very tiny splinter lodged in the callous of the toe. It was so tiny you
needed a good magnifying glass to see it. We proceeded to dig it out with
a sewing needle— after which the itch promptly vanished.
CLAIRVOYANCE OF SEXUALIZING
But what I did have the heart to continue was to sit on the front
stoop of my building and examine the auras of people walking past.
Subway cars were not ideal environments in which to study auras, but
from the stoop I could be detached enough to inspect a great deal.
I became particularly interested in the parts of the auras and
energy bodies that had to do with sexual matters. And this I was quite
up to, as almost everyone is, if only secretly, perhaps.
Thus, I more or less abandoned “medical clairvoyance.” Instead,
I began focusing on another form of clairvoyance appropriately called,
one should think, “the energetics of sexuality clairvoyance." The results
of this effort will be described in Part IV just ahead.
^ Sexuality clairvoyance/lucidity has heretofore remained uniden-
tified in Theosophical or any other sources, but, as we have seen in Part
I, had already been sporadically encountered by others.
Along these lines, Manhattan is rich in having real life sources —
such as bars and other places frequented by those of different sexual
At such places it was very easy to discern the somewhat similar
sexualizing energy aspects of those “birds of a feather who like to hang
Everyone, of course, possesses sexualizing energies in their en-
ergy bodies and sensoria— this seemingly a mandate of nature — even
though some may believe otherwise, or even resent the fact.
With this fascinating clairvoyant project underway, I continued
visiting Carmen about twice a week to describe and discuss all of these
energies, in the hope that she could help me understand.
And, in good part, she did — although she, too, did not know what
the "geometric energies" were, and which I occasionally saw in others
in all kinds of different shapes.
“ANATOMY’ OF SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
PARAPHERNALIA AND REGALIA OF HUMAN
As agreed by everyone, the strictly material aspects of the bio-
body are composed of inorganic substances in the form of atoms, ele-
ments, and chemicals coming together to form “biological” molecules.
However, as discussed earlier, the question remains as to how
the inorganic substances end up as constituting the organic and ener-
getic bio-body — this in the face of the fact that the inorganic substances
by themselves cannot achieve this kind of feat or functioning.
AN ENERGETIC MASTER PLAN?
Indeed, the existence of some kind of well-designed energetic
masterplan is required which aligns the inorganic substances, and re-
sults in the form and structure (morphology) of the biological anatomy.
Thereafter, the morphology is dynamically ACTIVE, resulting
in what is referred to as a life organism or life entity.
There is an important characteristic of the life entity I’ve not
yet found distinguished anywhere. This has to do with motion.
If we consider sand on a beach, for example, we know it to be
composed of inorganic substances broken down into small particles, or
We know that the sand particles get pushed around by the mo-
tions of water, wind, and so forth. In this sense, the sand is formatted
by motions and influences external to it— in that the sand particles by
themselves cannot and do not resist the external motions.
All life forms or life entities, however, are equipped in different
degrees to resist various external motions and influences. In this sense,
the life entity more or less stakes a claim to existing within external
motions and influences.
This can only mean that the life entity must have energies to
counterbalance the external motions and energies.
The central idea here is that MOTION of any kind requires
^ Co^^i ^AOy Ce V\ c.
ENERGY of some kind. 'v.*o» CS' V-£ '
Furthermore, in the case of animated (motional) life forms, the
energy cannot be just diffuse potential, but must itself have rather pre-
cise form and structure (morphology).
The existence of energetic masterplans (a.k.a., energetic blue-
prints) remains problematical in the modern West because its philoso-
phers and scientists are somewhat stubbornly opposed to admitting the
actual existence of such an ephemeral masterplan.
However, this stubbornness is beginning to wear down — in that
advances in genetic research have begun to suggest that DNA molecules
are resonating to something other than pure matter. A dditionally,
Tno^energetics research has quite firmly establishedthe existence of
complex energetic Fields almost completely denied forty years ago. .
wJ §&m*GEnc ‘VEHICLES”
The confusions of the Western situation in this regard have never
been problematical within the larger scopes of many pre-modern Far
Eastern thought systems.
In those systems, what we refer to as the physical body was
simply referred to as the Lesser Vehicle.
With equal simplicity, the combined vital energy masterplan
was referred to, usually with considerable reverence, as the Greater
Vehicle— and which interacted and resonated with the even far greater
vehicle of cosmic energetics.
There is a major and ongoing two-fold point of contention be-
tween modern Western and ancient Eastern thinking along these lines,
having to do with the matter of clairvoyance.
The Western sciences held that the energetic masterplan did
not exist, and that clairvoyance didn't either.
Eastern thinking held that the Greater Vehicle did exist, and so
Some recent Eastern thinkers have sardonically observed that
since clairvoyance belongs to the Greater Vehicle, the Western scien-
tists examining only within the limitations of the Lesser Vehicle were
unlikely to run across it. And unlikely as well to run across any number
of masterplan phenomena and implications.
' Since Eastern thinking holds that clairvoyance exists, it also
holds that formats and activity of the energetic masterplan systems
can be perceived.
The Eastern concepts also hold that different kinds of clairvoy-
ance innate within the Greater Vehicle can be activated, and that some
of the kinds of clairvoyance perceive more than others.
A SPECTRUM OF VITAL LIFE VIBRATIONS
One way of identifying these different kinds of clairvoyance is
that they are ORDERED along a spectrum of lowest to higher vibra-
tions or frequencies.
In terms of Vital Life, the very lowest of these pertain to vibra-
tions whose nature is destructive and self-collapsing — ultimately even
as regards self-tearing-down of the two Vehicles themselves.
The higher of the Vital Life vibrations or frequencies ascend
along a scale, from gross to more and more refined mentation — and
which is inclusive of different strata of consciousness and awareness
intimately coppled with sensitivity, perception, quality and scope.^.
Along this spectrum of formatted energies, sexuaTones are well
into the ascending higher scale, their obvious main purpose being the
creative proliferation of Lesser Vehicles.
And, as earlier suggested, their activation will also serve as
energetic launch pads into other forms of creativity. The concept of sexual
energies as being of low and base order is thus the result only of con-
fused societal attitudes.
Most schools of Eastern thinking hold that various aspects of
this spectrum can be active or inactive, sometimes distorted or honed,
tattered or well-defined, well-greased or rusty, and can have different
quotients or caliber of vital energies in terms of weak to strong.
That all of the energies involved have shapes and forms is clearly
indicated in all studies of such energies, even those that are Western in
origin. These shapes and forms can be clairvoyantly seen as they are,
but something here depends on which dimensional strata of clairvoy
ance is active.
Ur/J^wir^ V»C\ L-eir _ t mtcf
If not seen directly, the energies can still be sensed non- visually
by one’s vital energy systems whether the physical awareness of the
Lesser Vehicle is aware of it or not.
And they can be given familiar image, literary and even math-
ematical personifications by various anthropomorphic processes. The
well-known artistic presentations of William Blake are but one example
of personification of Greater Vehicle energies.
As another example, the female or male sexual energies can be
portrayed as Venus or Mars, Yin or Yang, etc. In the West androgynous
sexual energies are usually symbolized by Mercury, or visually portrayed
as half Venus and half Mars.
The late, great Marilyn Monroe was broadly accepted as Venus
incarnate, and the once famous Rudolph Valentino was broadly accepted
as Mars incarnate.
ANATOMY OF THE AURA ENERGY FIELDS
That the vital energies of the Greater Vehicle have what amount
to anatomical shape and form can be established, for example, by the
_ graphic illustrations of the chakras.
f But many other sources ancient or recent also illustrate beams,
/ undulations, rays, tubes, radiations, globules, energies coming and go-
l ing, appearing and vanishing, changing shape , changi ng into different
\ forms, etc. CiP
As I chanced to perceive them via my encounter with clairvoy-
ant-lucidity (as I suppose it might be put), the sexual energies of the
Greater Vehicle interacting with the physical phenomena of the Lesser
Vehicle were quite complicated.
I have not been able to find too much descriptive precedent for
these complicated energetic phenomena.
It is true that the all-important pubic chakra was sometimes
illustrated as a blob of light over the male or female genitalia— this
rather too neatly covering the genitalia with what amounts to nothing
more than a glowing fig leaf.
From what I could perceive of the SEXUALIZING energies, most
of them involved formats seemingly consistent among everyone. At one
level, these seemed to be closely affiliated with the basic biological body
itself— such as the skeletal, neural, acupuncture and other networks,
and the organs, including the muscles and skin.
These energies then could extend outward from the physical
corpus into the local surrounding energy fields, and then into quite some
astonishing distances beyond.
However, the sexualizing energies could be perceived in two
general categories or states:
1 there, but not all that active
2 aroused, and during which the energetic sexualizing anatomy
intensifies and changes dramatically
In searching my trusty dictionary for appropriate nomencla-
ture (I don’t like neologisms), I decided to utilize two familiar terms —
and which have the advantage of being carried over into other books
dealing with the energetic aspects of creativity and power.
^ PARAPHERNALIA refers to personal possessions, furnishings,
or apparatus. This is normally taken to refer to objects we accumulate
But it is also entirely applicable to matters of sexuality and
sexualizing. For example, our genitals are paraphernalia — while “our”
paraphernalia can include the whole of our bio-bodies.
REGALIA refers to special finery, usually having to do with out-
standing and spectacular costume indicative of office, function, status,
and special categories of highly visible ceremonial activity.
SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING
As we have seen, the topic of aura energy fields is rather com-
plicated. So, as with anything complex, the topic is accompanied by a
fair share of misunderstandings, confusions, and simple mis-informa-
tion. And, indeed, it may be that the information in this book has not
escaped all of them.
But reasons can be identified for at least some of the confu-
sions. So, before going on with descriptions of sexualizing energetics it
is useful to clarify two of them, because they have direct relevance to-
ward any fuller comprehension of aura energy fields.
One confusing aspect has to do with how and why the aura en-
ergy field exists.
An assumption broadly shared has it that the aura energy fields
are being produced by the material aspects of the biological body. In
this case, the aura belongs to the physical body.
Contemporary energetic research identifies these as the physi-
cal fields of the biological body.
However, although the material aspects of the body might be
thought of as producing subtle energetic emanations, it is far more likely
that the emanations are a by-product of the various energies flowing
and circulating within it.
The confusion here is that the there are two concepts about the
aura: that it belongs to the physical body, and that it does not belong to
the physical body. Evidence supporting both concepts is offered in many
However, behind this double confusion lurks an idea that oblit-
erates additional ideas that are needed to more fully explain the hu-
man entity both as a being and as an organism.
The basic doctrines of materialism that came to characterize
the earlier modern sciences held that only matter existed. Thus, the
bio- body was composed only of matter.
But there have always been two glitches in this concept, both of
which were frequently pointed up by researchers who were antagonis-
tic to the philosophy of materialism.
The first glitch consisted of the fact that even if the body was
entirely physical, it still needed bio-dynamic energy to function. It was
clear enough that the bio-body ate food, and that the food was converted
into the necessary energy that permitted bio-dynamic function.
Thus, the physical body absolutely needed not a continuous sup-
ply of food, but rather the energy it could be converted into. In this
sense, the human organism was composed of two interacting systems
unified as a matter-energy system. The theory of materialism-only was
The second glitch, somewhat more serious and fraught with
important implications, had to do with how and why the physical-mat-
ter elements of the human became ANIMATED in the first place.
This question was a volcanic issue between the exponents of
MATERIALISM and VITALISM during the latter part of the nineteenth
century and the early part of the twentieth, and resulted in stupendous
conflicts now largely forgotten.
THE CONFLICTS BETWEEN MATERIALISM *
The vitalists held that the materialists were studying the hu-
man body only AFTER it had become animated, and that such after-
the-fact studies could not explain the major issue regarding the how
and why of essential life animating energies.
And indeed, it is quite fair to point up that how animation of
inert physical matter takes place is a question remaining not only un-
answered, but mysteriously unexamined.
The term VITALISM is taken from VITALITY, defined as “the
peculiarity distinguishing the living from the nonliving,” the living hav-
ing “power of enduring and continuing.”
The vitalists held:
1 that explanations of the animating functions of a living organ-
ism require a vital energetic principle that is distinct from
physico-chemical forces; and
2 that the processes of life are not explicable by the laws of phys-
ics and chemistry alone, and that life is in some part self-deter-
mining outside of those laws.
The exponents of both vitalism and materialism recognized that
if a “vital energetic principle” did exist, it would equate to an energetic
master plan, or “blueprint," that existed independently of the matter-
body, and which activated and energized it as an animated organism.
This not only more than hinted at the existence of an energetic
life entity, but that it would logically be independent of and external to
the laws of physics and chemistry.
If the existence of the vital life principle was admitted into even
a minimum of scientific authenticity, then the dynamic domains of ma-
terialistic physics and chemistry were not all they were cracked up to
This volcanic issue was finally settled in about 1919, when the
materialists totaled the vitalists by denying them any possibility of sci-
Together with the issue of life-animating factors, the term VI-
TALISM was shortly expunged and omitted from approved mainstream
It is ironic that today’s physicists and those researching mor-
phogenetic fields, morphic resonance, and causative formation are, in
fact, various kinds of NEO-VITALISTS — albeit that condemned word
probably will not be resurrected.
A particularly informative book in this regard is SYMPATHETIC
VIBRATIONS: REFLECTIONS ON PHYSICS AS A WAY OF LIFE
(1985) by K. C. Cole.
A DISTINCTIVE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN
MATERIALISM AND VITALISM
In an earlier chapter, the ancient Eastern concept of the LESSER
and the GREATER VEHICLE was briefly discussed.
The Lesser Vehicle largely corresponds to the animated mate-
rial body composed of matter and energy.
The Greater Vehicle is exclusively of energy, plus whatever else,
and it is this Greater Vehicle that animates the Lesser.
Thus, the materialists have been exponents of the Lesser Ve-
hicle, while the vitalists were exponents of the Greater Vehicle.
It is now possible to state the main point of the above discus-
sion. The Lesser Vehicle would obviously have its particular aura en-
ergy fields, while the Greater Vehicle “overshadowing” the Lesser would
have its own dynamic aura-energetic aspects.
lb a very large degree, the aura energy fields of both would
interpenetrate each other. But in some quite important sense, the ener-
getics of the Greater Vehicle could clairvoyantly become hyper-visible,
especially if the double vital energy system be came super-energized.
As we have already examined in the case of mesmeric, odic,
psychic force and orgone energies, if the animating energies chance to
become super-energized then appearance of extraordinary sexualizing
phenomena takes place.
This can lead, tentatively, to the surprising observation that
the sexualizing energies belong more to the Greater Vehicle than to the
Lesser. This is somewhat opposite of what is generally assumed to be
.. THE ANATOMY OF THE BASIC THREE
Regarding the phenomena of the sexualizing energy parapher-
nalia of humans, it first needs to be tacitly understood that the phe-
nomena, as I perceived them, apparently DO NOT belong to the physi-
cal components of the biological body.
While it is true that the physical components do respond to them,
if the sexualizing energy is not present, they don’t respond.
Rather, they appear to belong to an extremely complex, highly
structured, energy network within which the matter of the physical
components is enfolded.
This is to say that the physical body is NOT producing the en-
ergy structures, as might be commonly assumed at first. It is more likely
that aggregates of arousal energy are flowing into the energy network
of the Greater Vehicle.
ff' (tmw v
That energy network is a highly formatted, energy distrihut ion
super grid WITHIN which the physical body is brought into existence.
Elements of this super grid penetrate into the bio-body, but its
major structural elements are just at the surface of the skin, or just
THE FIRST, OR MAIN, SEXUALIZING CHAKRA V Cl i 1 )
Both the male and female versions usually are seen as having
three important chakras which, to my knowledge, have not been identi-
fied or discussed.
We have already referred to the famous pubic chakra, although
Leadbeater and most other sources omitted all but passing reference to
In past conventional illustrations, only one sexual chakra is seen,
usually placed just in front (hence covering) the vagina or penis, chastely
blotting out both.
In fact, though, less prudish Eastern sources place the sex chakra
where it is actually to be found: in the crevice between the legs.
In the male it is found behind the scrotum and in front of the
anus. In the female it is found between the vagina and anus.
It is almost always reddish in color, even if not active or aroused.
If it is any other color, then health or emotional troubles are brewing.
Here, it must be emphasized that this particular chakra has
several important implications beyond the sexualizing ones.
It is connected, by a thread-like whorling, up into the body inte-
rior. At a certain point, this whorling thread than diverges to connect
both to the spinal column and to the esophagus where the whorling
then seems to disappear or merge into other energy networks.
It is identically found in all human bodies from birth onward. If
this chakra doesn’t exist at birth, the infant will not live. A type of this
chakra is also found on most mammals.
For lack of a better term, I’ll refer to it as the crotch chakra,
since there are at least two other sex chakras.
As everyone usually discovers, the crotch chakra is exceedingly
x ) v ^
responsive to any kind of manipulations, and responds to the rays ema-
nating from the fingertips, if those rays are pink.
It is especially responsive to licking by the tongue, which itself
emits a kind of electrostatic aura which is densely and somewhat
The crotch chakra is also sensitive to sunlight, and many nude
sun-bathers have discovered this.
As in other mammals, licking of the crotch chakra especially
will render a slightly hypnotic effect, while the eyes will float upward
beneath the upper eye-lid.
This particular chakra is accurately identified in some texts.
Otherwise, it constitutes one of the most “forbidden zones" of the entire
human body. For reasons of propriety, the location of this chakra is trans-
lated up to the pubic mound. There is another chakra on the pubic
mound, but its energies are apparently composed of something else as
we will see. f 1 Yf 1 * C'f'
THE ANAL CHAKRA Ct
In actuality, all orifices of the bio-body are kinds of chakras.
The crotch chakra is easily distinguishable from the anal chakra, which
is usually seen as a transparent darker red color, and which itself will
intensify by finger manipulation and licking.
Indeed, a tittle-known researcher interested ill the responsive
phenomena of licking has pointed up that among all the mammals, the
human species is the only one which does not lick the anus, and in lact
can not because of our up right standing anatomy. But in fact, the en-
tire bio-psychic anatomy and all of the chakras will respond favorably
to the tongue. ^lC|< *'vV\£-
The anus chakra sometimes exhibits opaque colors, such as dark
red, blue or dull black. These colors seem to indicate some kind of dis-
ease of viruses, protozoa, bacteria, or parasites whose own energies cloud
up the anal aura.
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MALE AND FEMALE
Beyond the crotch and anal chakras, the energy anatomy of the
male and female versions now begins to differ.
MfctJ -fAk. of
In males, the next sexualizing paraphernalia which seems im-
portant is"1Tsmall chakra about an inch in dimension which is usually
deep purple in color.
It is found about half-way between the tail of the spine and the
anus, this point being just inside the cleft between the buttocks. The
skin covering at this point is very thin and fragile, and so rough treat-
ment is not advised.
When this chakra is lightly massaged or tongued, the male will
usually undergo a definite hypnotic relaxation. But conversely, most of
his other sexualizing energies will become aroused, and the male will
be unable to resist other more strenuous sexual manipulations.
The equivalent chakra to this is found in females not between
the buttocks to the rear, but to the front just between the top of the
vaginal cleft and the clitoris. It can be seen as being of deep purple, but
more usually a dark liquid blue-green.
Massaging or tonguing of this chakra will produce hypnotic and
other effects similar to the male responses. However, the female may
begin to undergo orgasmic “convulsions,” while the male usually does
When male and female together are achieving coitus, there can
be perceived electric-like, lavender-colored discharges taking place be-
tween these two particular chakras.
These discharges appear to increase the pumping strength of
the male pelvis and thighs, and increase the orgasmic tension of the
female pelvic area. These discharges also appear to tighten the muscles
of the vaginal area, and increase the penetrating hardness of the penis.
Beyond this, from these two chakras can now be seen passing
between each other what can only be described as electrical discharges
which fan out to incorporate the two bodies entire.
These discharges are very pleasurable, not only galvanizing the
entire bodies, but intercommunicating in such a way that a “melding”
effect transpires, and the copulating couple feel like they have melted
or merged into one.
In the sexology literature, this is often referred to as the “ec-
static union,” which it surely is.
The clairvoyant color of these discharges is usually brilliant pink,
but also can be experienced as blinding white.
Images or photographs of copulating couples produce stimula-
tions of these two chakras in their viewers, and even some discharges
from them, and which is a type of “erotic” ecstasy in its own right.
And here we have our first hint of erotic objects, for a picture of
a copulating couple is an inanimate object — but which none the less
energetically stimulates both of these two vital chakras. As an aside
here, many pre-modern societies “worshipped” images of copulation,
and even kept them on altars in their bed chambers. I often wondered
But as a result of clairvoyance, although I can’t prove it, the
ecstatic discharges between these two chakras may have something to
do with how the sperm and eggs “agree” to interact. In other words,
there may be an “electrical” factor here. If the chakras are sluggish or
damaged, an “electrical environment” may not build up and conception
might not occur, or occur only with extreme difficulty.
Erotic objects indeed help build up the "charges” in these two
apparently vital chakras. 0 Ik) ,
In two cases in which I was asked to clairvoyantly examine two
males, I espied that in both of them the purple chakras were “dead.”
Both then admitted that even though they produced healthy
spermatozoa, their wives had never conceived. They also admitted, with
my prodding, that while they did ejaculate easily they did not seem to
experience anything near what was described in the literature as “ec-
static union.” All this for what it’s worth.
-/THE DELICATE CHAKRAS AT THE TIP.OF .
The next of the sexualizing chakras in importance are found at
the tip of the penis and at the tip of the clitoris. These are very tiny, to
In males, this tiny chakra is usually blood red and resembles a
/ glowing ruby. In females it is usually deep green in color and resembles
a glowing emerald. If highly energy sexualized, both emit gem-like rays
That these two “gemstones” became, at least in many pre- mod-
societies, associated with males and females can hardly be by chance.
In size, these two chakras are about 1/16 of an inch in dmnm
sion, and can easily be missed in clairvoyance.
However, these two points are also deeply embraced by conmn
trations of the networks earlier described, and they are part of the largin'
neural, acupuncture, lymphatic, and other nets of the psychic organ
Entirely sensitive minute filaments of the major neural net
works are especially and densely concentrated in the head of the penis
and in the clitoris. Both, then, are very sensitive to pain, even of the
most minute kind.
However, when these two tiny chakras are energized or stimu-
lated, they can increase in size to 2-4 inches, and emit beams which
extend much further.
In their excited state, the glans of the penis and the clitoris,
otherwise exceedingly sensitive to pain, can now undergo very rough
treatment, including hard biting and chewing, and all of which will
now be experienced not as pain but as highest of ecstatic pleasures.
V 0 ^ FEMALE BENm^BEAMS
For all their small size, these two chakras exhibit^ome remark-
able and potent activities.
As these two chakras become increasingly excited, they can be
seen to emit rays of their particular emerald or ruby light. These rays,
however, now perform a most extraordinary wonder. For they can be
seen to reach out, bend and twist, like snakes, and seek each other out.
Having located each other they now entwine and, even more
astonishingly, begin to shrink pulling the two bodies to each other, thus
literally drawing penis to vagina. Since this activity has by now also
resulted in the intertwining of arms and legs, it is usually not noticed.
It is not too much to say that if and when these two twisting
rays have located and entwined, the male and female become some-
what mindless, their intellects go down, as well as their judgment, and
some kind of copulation is almost surely to be the unavoidable result.
In this, and from the examples I’ve clairvoyantly inspected, I
believe the female beams are by far the strongest and most vivid In
some cases, the size of the female bending beams is twice or more of
those of the male.
In any event, these beams are quite awesome, for they can reach
out at least across a room.
If full intimacy does not take place, or if the entwining of the
beams is broken, then there is almost immediately a “slump” of vital
energies in both subjects, which often makes people very testy, and psy-
chological scenes can now take p
t i°n. \
In respect of this, I had always wondered why many pre-mod-
ern societies were in favor of segregation of the sexes, especially while
they were young.
From this clairvoyant viewpoint, such segregating surely cut
back on the importune occurrence of these kinds of intertwining — this
also for what it’s worth.
The male and female bending beams can pierce right though
individuals who may chance to be standing in the way— with the result
of some kind of sexual arousal, often much to their spontaneous sur-
The “strength” of these bending beams seems to begin weaken-
ing after about the age of thirty, except in certain circumstances.
Pre-menopausal females often exhibit a strong, final display of
them, while older males can be temporarily rejuvenated by encounter-
ing the bending emerald beams of young females.
THE MINUTE SEXJJALIZING CHAKRAS OF THE THIGHS
Wvi/v&z' AVv VW7
Now, to move on to oth^rjof the sexualizing paraphernalia of
the energy body we must turn our attention to the pelvic areas, and the
inner sides of the thighs.
No matter what complexities have arisen from the other two
chakras, in the female, on the inner thighs closest to the vaginal areas,
will be found a series or a pattern of small chakras clairvoyantly seen
in the color of glowing white.
A similar grouping of these, but usually red in color, will be
found in the male.
In the male, however, the collection of these chakras can en-
circle the thighs to the outer side as well, and extend down to the calves.
In some males these collections can ascend up to the hips, and involve
ace without much further provoca-
Mt UIIIK IV f J )
at least some parts of the buttocks, usually the lower “cheeks.”
Males are usually sensitive to having their thighs and butts
touched, while female versions often will keep their legs together, in
both cases until a suitable partner has been espied.
These areas are exceedingly sensitive to the rays from finger-
tips, and often to tongue licking as might be expected.
In both male and female, these arrays of minuscule chakras
literally produce heat, and what verges on a slight hypnotic state. Even
if an undesirable or importune intruder manages to slip a hand into or
onto these collections of chakras, the intruder might expect to soon pro-
ceed in other regards.
Conventional sexologists have indeed identified these areas as
important “erogenous zones.”
The collections of tiny chakras indicate areas of increased sen-
sitivity, and usually protrude about a quarter of an inch above the skin
Practically anyone can locate these by hand if they gently move
their fingers a fraction of an inch above the skin and focus on the in-
crease or decrease of “sensation.”
Even more arrays of these “sensate” chakras are found all over
the genitals, but an especially intense collection of them can be found
on the pubic mound, as most people realize without being clairvoyant.
At the pubic mound, however, the collection tends to emit rays
which can extend to as much as three inches to a foot when unexcited,
but to even greater extent when excited.
Even male and female versions who have not had their clair-
voyance reawakened can instantly spot any untoward motion in the
vicinity of their public mounds even when not looking down in that
direction. It is this collection of tiny chakras which I believe is often
mistaken for a pranic one. However, these are not in-take chakras, Inil
Male and female versions will also notice anyone LOOKINt 1 at
ilmir pubic mounds hidden beneath clothes, even from across a great
There can be no doubt at nil that the bio-psychic sensorium
t\c D ^ 1 v >.
even if only subconsciously so, immediately can detect and identify the
meanings and intents of such looks.
This seems to be because, as the ancient Greeks said, the eyes
produce beams, and the beams seem to carry “information.” These eye
beams, though, are virtually transparent even to highly achieved clair-
voyants. But if they are magnified via micro-clairvoyance, they can be
seen as streams of very minute, fast-moving “particles."
The particles are usually, but not always, greenish in color —
and move within what can be called a lavender or purplish “tube" and
which can bend as a lot of rays and beams can do.
, SEXUALIZING FUNCTIONS OF OTHER ORGANS
KHPtUS uPS CncS .
' Collections of the tiny white chakras can also be found associ-
ated with all of the body orifices, the nipples, belly-button, inside the
arms and armpits, on the scalp, and the ears.
All of these have been identified by conventional sexologists as
erogenous zones. But what appear to be especially highly refined collec-
tions of them can be found on and around the lips, the ears, and the
nipples — especially the nipples of female versions and the nipples of
many, but not all, male versions,
Many male versions, however, have bands of them encircling
the biceps and sometimes even the forearms, and also aligned on the
pectorals and sometimes over the shoulders and onto the back.
Many female versions have similar bands or bracelets of them around
their ankles and wrists, and almost always on the shoulder and the
backs of their necks.
In most cases, both the female and male version have special-
ized tiny chakras, usually glowing red in the palms of their hands.
Thus, when the pink rays from the fingertips and the collec-
tions of sexualizing chakras in the palms, stroke an area laden with
similar sexualizing chakras, not only are sexualizing energies exchanged,
but other kind of energy as well. p VO
Seen with micro-clairvoyance, this resembles two sheets of elec-
trified copper separated only by a small distance, at which time a profu-
sion of electrical discharges occur between the two plates.
In the case of the erogenous chakras, however, which are usu-
ally glowing white (and hence easy to see clairvoyantly), the sexualiz-
ing discharges are a delicious purple in color, more towards the ma-
It has been observed for a very long time that the mouth and
lips are the chief erotic, hence sexualizing, organs. In fact, some lips
can make others quite “wild," and poems and songs have been written
to this effect.
In these cases are to be found a series of chakras inhabiting the
lips, usually five in number on the upper lip, and one in the center of
the bottom lip.
In some examples of occult art, these are often pictured as tiny
live-pointed stars, presumably because others have seen them radiate
as stars are perceived to do. They are usually seen ranging from light
pink to deep red in color. They tend to “attract" other energy bodies
because they glitter. They also can extend rays and beams.
The frequency of these lip chakras, however, is not very demo-
cratically spread throughout the species.
Some male and female versions do not appear to have them as
sexualizing paraphernalia at least in an awakened state — while pink-
to-red lipsticks cannot make up for the lack of them.
But I’ve clairvoyantly seen them suddenly appear and “come
alive" in male and female versions seemingly at first bereft of them.
That these chakras do exist, at least in some people, is clear
enough from Kirlian photographs of lips I’ve seen.
When the chakras are indeed present, they can definitely be
seen on the Kirlian plates as small points of white light on black-and-
white film, and as pink to red points surrounded by blue lights on color
Male and female versions possessing these six lip chakras usu-
ally adore kissing, and will kiss just about anything and everything. In
today 8 developing lore, they are often referred to as “mouth freaks" by
those who are bereft of these wonderful chakras.
SEXUALIZING ASPECTS OF HAIR FOLLICLES
AND THE PORES
It has recently been discovered that the hair follicles and port'*
possess an absolutely astonishing array of sensors. Their purposes, I hen,
are not just to grow hair and produce sweat.
Among other sensing, for example, these can respond to subtle
magnetic changes, as well as magnetic directions. And they can iden-
tify chemical odors the nose cannot, or at least usually does not.
Seated in their follicles, the hairs act as antennae, entirely sen-
sitive to “vibrations” of all kinds. The pores emit small rays of light
which are likewise sensitive and thus serve as antennae, too.
However, the hair follicle systems seem to be independent of, or
at least different from, the white chakras of the erogenous zones, while
at the same time being energetically connected.
The hair antennas WILL detect energies invisible to the eye
mechanisms and brain, and will introduce into the subconsciousness
appropriate images (and conclusions) therein.
The hair and pore antennae seem to be sensitive to thought-
forms, and apparently can detect their nature or motives.
Thus, when a male or female is being scanned for sexualizing
purposes, the hair antennae will respond, inform the follicles, at which
time the whole sensorium will become attentive, often with the result
of goosebumps or hair standing on end.
The same is true if one enters an environment especially de-
signed for sexualizing encounters, or perhaps not even designed for them.
Seen with micro-clairvoyance, each hair is extended often to
about a foot beyond its tip, by a needle-thin ray of intense blue light —
but which ray is bendable.
Even if the physical hair part is laying down horizontally to
the skin, the ray part will form a right angle to the skin. When some-
thing tremendous energizes the sensorium, the hairs themselves will
stand up and out from the skin.
These blue rays, in their great profusion, are often thought to
comprise the general electrostatic field around the human body which
is now known to exist because it has been photographed. These rays are
extraordinarily magnetic in nature, and can attract or repel just like
ATTRACTING AND REPELLING SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
It is well known that the north pole of one magnet (the “nega-
tive” pole) and the south pole (the “positive” pole) of another magnet
will adhere to each other in the flick of an eye.
The functions of the hairs and their follicles are similar regard
ing attraction, repulsion, and adhering.
The blue-ray extensions of hairs are incredibly sensitive to what
either attracts or repels them.
But when they sense an attraction, they immediately throw out
what, for lack of better descriptive words, is like the filaments of a
spider’s web. The filaments are usually deep blue in color.
Since this web is made of some kind of plastic-like energy, it can
be flung out to a considerable distance, and will settle over the source of
the attraction and adhere to it.
r Thereafter it will either pull the source of the attraction, or will
actually pull the individual person to that source. If the source is not
considered attractive, the hairs will ignore it.
The secret here, even difficult to clairvoyant estimations, seems
to be the instantaneous recognition by the whole sensorium of some
kind of compatible energies, which altogether are experienced as “thrill-
ing.” Whether these consist of animate or inanimate matter doesn’t seem
l These nets clearly nave purposes besides sexualizing ones. But
ns a first level o f whole sensoriu jnjysponsfi^hey are likely to kick off
cascades of sexualizing and eroticrepercussions which arouse at least
oxpectancy in all of the other sexualizing paraphernalia.
However, if the hair is too long, or shaved off, this net-throwing
function seems to suffer, while shorter clipped hair seems to aid in the
This seems to have to do with the fact that the hairs need to
grow new tips— and no one has ever been able to tell me how a hair
knows what its proper length is and how it decides to grow back to it.
Hairs rejuvenate and recreate themselves— this, it would seem,
being the only complete replacement function of the entire human body.
In this sense, the natural shorter hairs on arms, legs, and tor-
sos seem most desirable, and this includes the pubic hairs.
F 5w\J » to er — ; ^
The beard follicles in male versions are especially sensitive* jin
sexualizing agencies and, from the clairvoyant view, shaving pf thorn
often 8 appears to be a source of sexualizing energy mismanagement
In any event, male and female versions can produce the udhor
ing nets. Female versions don’t particularly need this type of net, a I
though mont females can and do produce it. Ah we shall soon flee, female
versions have OTHER quite impressive energy faculties along this line.
Considering all of the above, it is then not unusual that human
bio-psychic organisms are sensitive to sexualizing influences, even if
they are substandard when it comes to clairvoyance.
Everyone can demonstrate the above for themselves by care-
fully and calmly passing their fingers close to, but not physically touch-
ing, all or any of the areas defined.
The rays emanating from the fingertips will minutely excite
the basic paraphernalia which have now been discussed. One may have
to practice a little, and refine the focus of sensation. That one has prob-
ably already located all, or most, of one’s own erotic zones can be taken
If you then permit your mind to construct the relevant images,
you will soon obtain some kind of mental image pictures regarding those
SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING
The concepts of sexualizing paraphernalia and regalia have been
established for the purposes of the book, and so they are unfamiliar.
But there are numerous kinds of vital energies, and in order to increase
understanding of them it seems necessary to categorize their differ-
ences in some descriptive manner.
The apparent basic function of the sexualizing paraphernalia
seems to consist of flowing and circulating energies within the human
organism. The traditional Asian metaphor for this has to do with
“breath” — breathing the energies in and out.
In rather dramatic contrast, the apparent basic functions of the
sexualizing regalia have to do with arousal, the Asian metaphor being
“awakening”— flowering or activating into ecstatic life and existence.
The two differences indicate two different kinds of states of the
sexualizing energies: a more or less natural state, and an aroused or
Another distinctive difference is that most of the paraphernalia
can be seen clairvoyantly with regard to everyone except when declines
in health and well-being are present.
But the regalia make an appearance, or become visible, only
with respect to arousal or awakening.
Thus, they can clairvoyantly be perceived only upon the occa-
sions of the arousal state. Where or how the regalia exist otherwise is a
complete mystery to me, since they seem to come out of nowhere and
return to the same.
The differences just described are, of course, qualitative ones,
but with the proviso that they are MOSTLY qualitative in that they
also have some kind of substantive existence that makes impacts on
the sensibilities of others.
Even without an excessive amount of clairvoyance, almost ev-
eryone can detect and acknowledge the presence of a sexually aroused
as “hot," "ready,” "£ray ^ 8e ^*'??“? 18 are c °mmonly referred to
mumcating this in some kind of way ThLT ^ fie,ds "* «>m-
k nd ° f formation is involved and th‘ ^ ° n y mean tb at some
regarding the sexuali 2 i ng reg ^ ^ 38peCt is ^remely un porta m
length T ergi6S are “5*^ pwe ^ ^ 10 COnsider
the contexts *— — fully in
jes are carriers of different kfnds of inf 6 that differ «nt ener-
well understood within the scone of t^ at, ° n - This is *» fact quite
now very important
sciences and the
"SZZTZ7 tha * re8 “*
•omethirig -* -« but
include tf Cr0m the ab °ve, »hat is one to
rom one energetic aura to another ? 3 be3m or ^Jumping
information purpose involved. H ' S ly here must b e some kind of
'’••am is information That the
" ,natter of ih tcnt, or intention ^ 18 WOU,d a PP e «r to fnvolve
I This is to say that if the information-intent of the beam is sex mi),
llii'h sexual information would he delivered, received, exchanged, sense
emphasized, or sense- modulated.
1 Hut the same kind of beam might have other kinds of informa-
1 i >M qualities as well.
p F° r example, a sexualizing beam might also carry information
qualities having to do with love, hate, an entire spectrum of emotions.
Indeed, all these qualities are typical of the many confusions that go
along with sexualizing phenomena.
K The general point being made here is that energetic phenom-
ena of the auras are also information-carrying phenomena— and that
the shift, say, from sexualizing to creative-izing affects is but a shift in
information-emphasis or information-modulating.
f THE PLASTIC-ENERGY CHARACTERISTICS OF
THE SEXUALIZING REGALIA
In the foregoing chapter, we have seen that most of the ener-
getic phenomena were local to certain parts of the body. However, some
of the rays associated with the aura energy field could extend quite far
out, and some of them could undulate and bend.
We also saw that there are several dimensions and purposes
within the sexualizing auras themselves. So, the sexualizing parapher-
nalia discussed in the last chapter is just one of the functional dimen-
There is another sexualizing dimension having to do with what
I’ve termed the sexualizing REGALIA — and which is clairvoyantly seen
only if and when the sexualizing paraphernalia have become active and
aroused. If they are not active, then they can’t be seen clairvoyantly.
But even if active, and if the clairvoyant thresholds are not suf-
ficient to perceive them, the effects of the aroused regalia are easily
sensed far and wide. Indeed, all things considered, there is nothing like
a regalia aroused male or female.
In order to provide a very important background, we need bric?fiy
si? r- " sssr ' -
-^su*** -*- *”:g::^
th * a^,^™ k ^ ^1# -
+***» -« -
S!o^sP ; ^ -Xtetrr' or c,inica '
■ In ths * -“-ie e ; t “ r? h c,r 6 r
1\ ^ * ’ J I '
■ In about 1889, it waa finally uccoptod, in illegitimate Knglmli,
ih moaning sexually excited und lecherous. However, it is a very nn-
> lent concept. Long before the rather deadening term PENIS was con
(Wpfcualized, the erect membrum virile wus referred to as a horn and
low were ignorant of what that meant.
I One of the points being made here is that it is somewhat ridicu-
lous to think that the physical atoms and chemicals of the physical body,
Inorganic and inert as they are, can produce, by themselves, the effect
K Indeed, if the formative modern philosophies and sciences of
materialism had been forced to deal with this particular issue, then it
in doubtful that materialism would have gained such a trenchant foot-
I Indeed, it is rather difficult to see how or why matter itself would
or could become horny. /O- V/ 1
. . (l 4 t Jfr\
m As it is, hornyness is not only an energetic phenomenon, but an
AROUSED energetic one. The state of horny is also quite infamous for
being non-volitional— with such a mind of its own that even the stron-
gest formats of WILL have a tough time dealing with it.
I Seen clairvoyantly, the energetic state of horny can be perceived
as an outrageous display of beams, threads, and rays thrusting out-
ward-more or less undulating, extending so as to seek out or stimu-
late horny states in others, clearly with the intention of melding with
them, at least in temporary ways.
Hornyness is often described as a “hunger” or a “starvation”—
in that having sex per se, even having it repetitively, often does not
fulfill that hunger. Thus, it could be concluded that something else is
Something along these lines becomes clear when it can be seen
that horny female versions often will not select horny male versions
What appears to alleviate or fulfill hornyness are complete on
ergy-body meldings of particular kinds. Although sexual activity ih of
ten one of the outcomes, the melding seems to have deeper implicit
C «1 •wxuhI activity nfth^* n i! >e achieved WITHOUT si.h
- as .sxrrr ~ ™
g^dor blZnZ re\orny y t ty b eS ^ h0rnyne88
“r attraction matter,. MPl ‘ C “ ly p ™“™ *he term horn^tr
bi ° ^. " mere,y “ ith *<* aanitals of the C^
r ““£f^:z£ |
) iaA oiOk,
™? NG regalia of the
biological female version
■. This preparatory illuminutinu might last for about two day*,
hIi.o which "winKs” begin sprouting upward from the breast*, ahoul
d>'i». and upper back. These now begin to take on a slightly undulat ing,
liglit bluish hue which is transparent, but somewhat “veined" us in but-
k Shortly thereafter, the wings begin cascading energies upward,
often turning slightly golden at the tops of these undulating "fountains."
I’m almost embarrassed to say it because it’s almost too incred-
lid e- but these fountains of upward-moving light can extend up to
twenty feet above the female’s shoulders.
That these sexualizing energy phenomena should be called
It KG ALIA is now perfectly understandable.
At this point in the developing phenomena, the fountains spread
out and begin to emit points of light, which are always scintillating
white, and which begin drifting downward — somewhat like sparkling
Meanwhile, the breasts have become increasingly sensate, al-
most to a state of “Painful thrill,” something akin to pink “rose blos-
som” auras have developed with the nipples at their centers, and which
by now are at least somewhat blood engorged.
Further down, the red chakra in the crotch has expanded con-
siderably and can ultimately envelop the entire pelvic area. Also the
small green chakra just above the clitoris has begun emitting a bright
yellowish green ray or beam, which is bendable and projectable, and
which “snakes" out frontward as if trying to locate a “contact.”
Meanwhile, the collections of the tiny white chakras compris-
ing the erogenous zones have increased in luminosity, and thus in erotic
sensitivity. The female may now rub just about anywhere and experi-
ence various kinds of ecstasy.
But now an even more amazing phenomenon occurs. From the
pores of the skin begin to emerge microscopic (as seen via micro-clair-
voyance) liquid-like GLOBULES of white-light energy.
These emerge from most pores in a stream at about five sec-
onds apart, in so far as I’ve been able to time them with a stopwatch.
But there are thousands of pores on the skin, and so if micro-
clairvoyant-* ia not employed the whole of these floating globules will
appear as a field or mist of white light.
Along with these liquid-like globules, a peculiar odor or fragrance
ImiHk^nnd “damp 8 ” 0 ^ 611 physicalIy tanglble - To nose it is slightly
This fragrance appears to be easily identifiable to male versions
^he W n a d n ?h:^ "r ar ' ^ Versi ° ns wi " notice il 100 and “m
prt hand that the female has gone into heat.” The fragrance is effec
t.ve a least across a diameter of 30 feet, depending on air movements
and directions. It will easily fill an average room.
The sparking bits of light drifting downward and the globules
emanating widely now fall on everything within the proximity. Most
male versions who wander into the perimeter now don’t stand a chance.
.. ? W \ eth “ y° un f? or mature, fat. thin, or otherwise, the female
now suited out in this astonishing and exceedingly beautiful and in-
toiiNoly sexualizing regalia-well, most males will find themselves “dis-
l "bed, even though the uninitiated among them might not have a
viNible clue as to why.
.. >PP»r that OTHER Witive" female vereione know
I , u h t u akin f place ’ es P ec,al *y married ones who might hasten
boyfriends^ hUSbands and even their 80ns awa y. and certainly their
r. i .i, N ° ne thC leSS ' m ° St male versions ' apparently of any age, will
, he m< r ans to get nearer the female version— and which version
only t0 8elect from among the many who are presenting them-
However, in astonishing surprise to clairvoyant seeing, the fe-
""■lo version now becomes remarkably selective. The greenish snaking
N.v or beam energetically extending outward from just above the clito
ns will be seen plunging INTO the bodies of the male versions.
this bending beam doesn’t like what it “sees,” it is quickly
w ".drawn and plunges into another male version. The whole of this
inkea place n an instant, so fast that I’ve not developed micro-clairvoy-
“ J ", Hl,ffic »ently speedy accuracy to perceive what happens at this
However, the moment of the plunging and the withdrawing suf-
ft.*a 10 leave the targeted male versions K.,.newhi.t Umiporaril y
| pupils of their eyes will widen, however bright the light is other
* P Usually they have to grab hold of something long enough to re-
i uvpr semblance of composure.
I When, and if, the undulating green beam seems to find what it
Ii Miking for, it then proceeds to wrap its flagellating end m ' “j
ll„i, N around the testicles of the selectee, also interpenetrating the
, linkra between the scrotum and rectum.
■ The snaking beam now contracts along its entire length, and
l be male version involuntarily moves very close to the female veraom
The pores of the male version will now begin to emit an oily
nubstance,” usually in the color of liquid, dark yellow amber. He • may
also begin to sweat more than usual and his tongue and throat w.U
I become dry.
[ However, I’ve seen female versions “reject" all the males in the
perimeter after which the female version shortly leaves apparently to
pursue other locales. . .
F If a selection has taken place, few social or moral issues now
apply, and ways and means will be devised about how to get around
thCm ' Almost assuredly the anticipated full intimacies will take place
even if in the nearest closet, bathroom, or parked car— or, in more per-
missive environment, right in front of everyone else.
The selected male version will be rendered rather witless, ex-
cept under the most extraordinary circumstance. Clairvoyantly seen,
even without micro-clairv^ance. the reasons areperfectly obvious.
I A A )M
I The moment the male version’s balls are under grapple, except-
ing the greenish “snake,” the female version instantly ceases producing
all of the regalia above discussed, like a switch has been thrown.
' Now from the top of her skull rise up a whole flock of the most
amazing limpid, liquid green rays. These are entirely extendible and
bendable, and they reach out and wrap the entire body of the selected
male version in them.
Likewise, apparently to make sure of matters, the twe .rose-
blossom auras of the nipples now produce equ^^ten^ble beams
which, with strong magnetic force, wrap around the torso of the se
lected male version.
Indeed, as soon as the couple are in a suitable place to com-
mence the physical part of all of this, the male version almost invari-
ably will rip off the upper garments of the female version and with
mouth will “go for” for the rose-flower auras of the nipples.
The clairvoyantly-seen green-rayed regalia headdress of the fe-
male version is entirely compatible with the “myth” of Medusa and the
crown of “snakes” growing out of this terrible goddesses head. Medusa
turns males to stone, which is about the same as saying turning them
In conventional sexology terms, the whole of what has been de-
scribed above is referred to as the “seduction of males by females,” or
the female conquest.” This, it would seem, is somewhat of an under-
Fortunately, the energy bodies of a goodly number of female
versions are not entirely proficient in manifesting the full regalia. Even
so, if they are proficient, even two of them in one room or at a cocktail
party can arouse considerable consternation and wreck the otherwise
peaceful acti^tiesof others in the near vicinity. ~ A ,
have been “probed’ and rejected will
Additionally, males that have been “probed” and rejected wifi
thereafter often “pine away” for a long time, so indelibly has the prob-
ing been recorded in their sensoriums. I’ve not yet seen a male version
who is completely immune to all of this.
SEXUALIZING REGALIA OF THE
BIOLOGICAL MALE VERSION
The full display of the male sexualizing regalia is equally as-
tonishing, but in a number of different ways. In this case, the prelude to
the horny epoch is begun when the red chakra between the scrotum
and anus begins to expand.
Shortly it will begin forming a plastic shape that encompasses
the genitals. In color, this plastic shape is always pink or pinkish red.
In males of advancing age, it might be red or darker red.
This plastic shape then commences to protrude directly in front
ol the genitals like a pseudopodia. It is, in thickness, usually about six
inches in diameter.
I he idea that this is an energetic “hard on” is entirely appropri-
ate. But the subsequent dimensions of this hard-on soon clearly ap
proach the incredible.
If the hornyness is not quickly taken care of, as it usually and
easily can be either directly by auto-release or by the availability of
willing females or by paying dollars, then the rest of the regalia can
One of the first energetic phenomena which then manifests is
that from the red crotch chakra will emerge a “tube” of whirling red
energy about six or more inches in diameter.
Micro-clairvoyance reveals that this tube forms layers, some of
which rotate clockwise and others rotate anti-clockwise. I’ve never un-
derstood the functions of these rotations.
Soon, the red tube will gradually snake up through the intes-
tines, abdomen, lungs, throat, and brains, and eventually emerge out of
the top of the skull. After this, the whirling beam will “grow” upward to
about twenty to forty feet.
At a certain point, somewhat horizontally, it will develop “spikes”
with curved hooks at their ends. These spikes, however, are rays or
beams which are plastic. The symbolic equivalent of these phenomena
are red plumes or feathers seen worn on helmets by male versions in
many pre-modern societies.
The energy bodies of female versions can spot this red column
and spikes from a great distance. Indeed, any clairvoyant can also, es-
pecially when examples of them could be seen walking in the street in
front of my building’s stoop.
If by now the hornyness has not been taken care of, the pink
light, bulging pseudopodia in the genital area begins extending itself in
a rubber-like manner, but none the less held horizontally to the ground
If we can consider anything “normal" in all of this, then it might
first extend directly outward to the front by about six to eight feet.
But I’ve clairvoyantly seen much more extensive examples, t la*
longest being (take a deep breath) about 200 feet — which was noticed
by a female clairvoyant friend of mine near Sheridan Square in Now
York City before I had noticed it. “Jesus Christ,” said she, “would you
look at that one!”
Any other bio-version, whether male or female, who chances to
contact this beam, for example by inadvertently walking th ™ u & h £
will now become “disturbed” (e.g.. stimulated), which seems to be the
purpose here. In male versions, even chance contact with this beam
will tend to arouse non-volitional hornyness in them.
Again, much now depends on whether the hornyness has been
taken care of. If it has not, some male versions will n°w P r ^ eed ^
manifest "full-blown” sexualizing regalia. Perpetual masturbators, h
ever, seldom do.
First off, the usual blue-white rays from the nails and finger-
tips will now take on the color of blood red and extend themselves up to
as mUch T a h S e ^ r ® r e e f ^- te “strong” rays, and the physical hands increase
in gripping strength. In this state, the horny male version will occa-
sionally be seen crunching his genitals through his clothes.
If a male version in this state manages to touch a female ver-
sion a sort of hypnosis might ensue and her collections of tiny white
chakras denoting the erogenous zones dependably flare up. Strange y;
however, they quickly seek escap^and so it would appear that the
purpose of the male sexualizing regalia is not particularly to attract
If all of this regalia has not resulted in some kind of “success,
the small purple chakra in the ass cleft enlarges considerably and shortly
will begin to emit occasional bursts of purple or lavender “lightening.
These streak away outward to who knows where disappearing
into invisibility, but in doing so they streak right through the physical-
and energy-bodies of others. M
Clairvoyantly seen, they disappear very quickly. But a serious-
ness” has now begun to pervade. At this point, most
relief from just about any source, and certainly by now usually do it to
More stalwart males, however, commence to develop the rest of
these already amazing regalia. Long fluctuating “feathers, again red
in color, about three feet in length, will now develop at the ^crown of Ue
head. The “column” mentioned earlier grows more brilliant and its spikes
( vt.n lon 8^ al c , airvoyance m ight perceive all of this as an extending
red field above the head. But with micro-clairvoyance, the “feathers"
are seen, and from their tips shower down the equivalent of the while
sparklers of the full blown female versions.
NOW! COILS of pink-red energy, about four inches in diameter,
develop from the soles of the feet and twist upward around the calves,
knees and thighs, and often involve even the buttocks and the lower-
lasts of the belly and chest.
Similar coils, but only at about one to two inch in diameter, also
emerge from the palms of the hands, twist around and upward involv
ing the forearms, biceps, triceps, and shoulder muscles. The neck muscles
seem to enlarge a little, but from within.
The symbolic equivalent of these coils are traditionally placed
around the legs and arms of the Mercury archetype, as has already
Since I’ve never seen these vibrant energy coils regarding fe-
male versions, they appear to be unique to the male versions, especially
regarding younger ones.
However, knowing clairvoyance to the degree I have experienced
it, there is always a first time regarding anything and everything.
The appearance of these coils apparently means business if only
in that they apparently impart considerable increases in strength.
I’ve also seen them appear in angry male versions, or in those
preparing for some kind of physical fight combat. They sometimes ap
pear in pumped up prize fighters and long-distance runners, etc. Their
appearance also reduces the pain thresholds. Often the strength im
parted is “superhuman.”
These coils also result in hypnotic increases of ecstasy by any
one finding themselves embraced within them. They often product* a
fragrance akin to that of ozone.
These coils mean serious business. Unless females or males are
prepared to quickly follow through on the whole thing, I’d advise them
not to tease, flirt, or taunt a coil-laden male version. Such males am
now rather delicately balanced, and other males should not try to piny
If this intensified sexualizing situation has NOT YKT been taken
c are of, the buttocks will become engulfed in red light, and shorlly a
“flame” or fire will rise up along the spine. This is akin lo, but seems
NOT to be, the Kundalini thing.
Male versions so affected will literally feel “hot,” if they haven t
already. In some cases, “spiky” flowers in a variety of colors will develop
around the pectoral nipples.
Naturally, also by now all the collections of white chakras of the
erogenous zones will have increased in luminescence, and the male ver-
sion now appears encased in a rather gorgeous red and white luster.
This glows like polished red-silver armor.
Indeed, many artistic illustrations of bygone centuries illustrate
the fully empowered male in a suit of shining white and red armor.
Finally, as in the case of the female, the pores of the skin will
begin emitting minute liquid-like globules, but these are again reddish
in color, and they sparkle. These, too, emit a fragrance detectable to
sensitive noses. Its odor it slightly acidic, something like fresh semen.
Strangely through all of this, while the male version suffered
frequently from penile erections at the outset of the horny cycle, as the
regalia develops into its full-blown magnificence, that organ tends to
remain flaccid. The unrequited (as its often said) male version now tends
to become somewhat zombie-like in spite of the regalia finery.
Also, or at least within my observing experience, female ver-
sions in their full sexualizing regalia don’t seem to respond very well to
the male versions fully outfitted in their regalia. If this is true, the
sexualizing regalias can’t be said to refer only to the processes of pro-
Although I made lengthy attempts over time, and in many dif-
ferent kinds of circumstances, I saw no instance where any energy func-
tion of the male versions probe female versions. “Selection,” therefore,
seems to be left to the female versions— whereas a male version fully
outfitted in its beautiful, but somewhat Martial regalia will (as it is
often uncharitably said) take on anything that moves or has a hole in it.
SOME SEXUALIZING ENERGIES OF
Seen clairvoyantly, the feminine and masculine sexualizing en-
ergy forms have enough distinctions to classify them as such. But it
must be recalled that the aura energy field IS an entangled manifesta-
tion of a complexity that is plastic and changeable and thus always in
some kind of fluidic and/or electric-like motion,
j To this now must be added the concept that the entangled mani-
festation apparently plays by its OWN ENTANGLED RULES, and which
cannot at all be identified or even approximated strictly in accord with
This chapter addresses the fact that the sexualizing energies of
biological females and males sometimes completely, partially, or tempo-
rarily exhibit each others energetic manifestations, especially with re-
gard to the sexualizing regalia.
This, of course, brings confusions into the nature of the sexes ns
they are biologically downloaded.
But it is also reflective of the rich world wide traditions dating
from antiquity having to do with the bio-psychic energies peculiar to
the androgyne and the so-called hermaphrodite.
The modernist West is abysmally and stubbornly deficient of
knowledge in this regard. And so there is no easy point of entrance into
the tremendous real issues involved. So I’ll just review a few significant
contexts, and then get on with the energetic phenomena apparently
Information sources on the androgyne are found world wide,
but the most accessible of them download from ancient China, India,
Greece, and Egypt.
In those sources, the androgyne is referred to not as a double
hexed biological entity, but as a state of consciousness where the mind
soars above forms of all kinds.
Since the concepts of the sexes refer to forms, whether physical,
mental, or energetic, the soaring must eventually range above, bypass,
or depart from the sexual divisions.
This, of course, refers to a metaphysical psychic level of exist-
ence characterized by “free” formless energy BEFORE it downloads into
the “form of existence.”
In this sense, the androgyne is the metaphor for the level of
non- manifested being, and which, at the same time, is the source of any
subsequent manifestations into any kind of form, whether energetic,
psychic, mental, or physical.
In ancient Hindu metaphysics, the duality of the male and fe-
male polarities of the sexes (represented by Shiva and Sakti) meld into
each other in the androgyne state to become the Unity of being-con-
sciousness senior to any manifestation of sexual duality.
But, figuratively speaking, the Unity can morphologically be
represented as a double-sexed figure. For example, several such arti-
facts of Dionysus found in Greece represent both a man and a woman,
sometimes referred to as the Erect, the Hybrid, the Man Woman Unity.
Such artistic attempts did not serve to portray a physical double-
sexed figure, but the combination of the dual energies toward their unity
that lifts the “mind” above the two sexual distinctions (and all their
But one of the implications of the portrayals was that sexualiz-
ing energies COULD exist in combination with each other in order to
meld and become a unity containing both.
The above is a rather brief review of the essence of the androgyne.
But it is sufficient to establish the androgyne as the archetype of sexual -
energy combining and ultimate transcendence of the combining into
the ecstatic unity of a state of consciousness unfettered by the mani-
fested boundaries of sexual formats and desires relevant to them.
The term ARCHETYPE denotes “the original pattern or model
of which all things of the same type are representations or copies.”
The concept of the archetypes of the collective unconscious was
energetically elaborated at awesome length by the famous psychoana-
lyst, Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961).
Jungian psychology is based on psychic totality and psychic
energism, i.e., that psychic “stuff’ of the unconscious is not merely jus!
existing, but that it has dynamic force and activity.
Jung postulated two dimensions in the unconscious: the per
sonal, based on repressed events and experiences, and the archetypes
of a collective unconscious, a dimension shared by every member of our
species in a universal group mind kind of way.
There are all sorts of ramifications regarding the nature of the
collective unconscious. But Jung’s use of the archetypes hinged on the
concept that the shared collective unconscious was “inhabited” by spe-
cific forms of psychic energy forms each having special dynamic activ-
ity. These energetic forms constituted original, or basic, patterns in the
collective unconscious of our species, copies of which arose in individu-
In pursuit of identifying these original patterns, Jung enumer-
ated and described a great number of them.
He and others after him showed that a very large number of the
archetypes have similarly arisen as “themes” in almost all cultures,
and that a rather large part of human activity is played out, or enacted,
in keeping with the archetypal themes.
For example, the archetype of the Wise Man is recognized ev-
erywhere, as are the archetypes of the Earth Mother, the Joker or Trick-
ster, and the search for enlightenment, portrayed as a Cup or Chalice
brimming full with Precious Liquid or Light.
THE THREE MAJOR SEXUALIZING ARCHETYPES
One of the crucial aspects of the archetypes is not only that
they exist in 'psychic space,” so to speak. They also exist with such
universal influence that they require some kind of representational form
suitable to their specific kinds of vitalizing energies.
Although the Androgyne archetype can be portrayed as a sexu
'illy ambivalent figure, its central meaning denotes a state above or
beyond sexuality. But its most representative form is the Zero, denol
mg the formless before forms manifest. However, it takes a rather an
jier-developed form of consciousness to recognize, achieve, and deal with
Meanwhile, back in the realm of psycho-energetic forms, them
are three major sexualizing archetypes that are recognized just about
everywhere, albeit in somewhat different formats, but all having simi-
lar iconography and attributes.
These three sexualizing archetypes have been with us since pre-
antiquity, and we in the modern West today still recognize them by
their ancient Roman designations of:
• Mars, as the chief Male or Masculine archetype
• Venus, as the chief Female or Feminine archetype
• Mercury, as the chief Inter-sexed or Mixed-sex archetype
As a caution here, it needs to be carried in mind that these
archetypes, as with all archetypes, refer to specific kinds of vitalizing
energies. Those energies do download into artistic and representational
forms, and which are sometimes mistaken for the archetypes them-
Many pre-modern societies elevated the sexualizing archetypes
to the position of semi-deification:
• Mars, the demi-god of intense masculinity with all His active
energies and aggressive trappings
• Venus, the demi-goddess of intense femininity with all Her pas-
sive energies and associated allurements
The existence of the Mercury sexualizing archetype has always
been somewhat eclipsed by the other two. But in its classical sense, it
denoted a combination of the Mars- Venus archetypes, a sort of half-
and-half affair comprised of both.
But the Mercury archetype had one specific factor the other two
The Mars archetype is obviously associated with the red planet
Mars, and the Venus archetype is associated with the glittering and
beautiful planet Venus.
But the Mercury archetype appears to be chiefly associated with
mercury, the metal, which is liquid, fluid and highly plastic, and can
change its shape without being destroyed.
In this sense, the chief attribute of the Mercury archetype is
change, and anything that is fluid and shape- or situation-changing is
associated with this demi-deity.
I In other words, while the attributes associated with the Mum
and Venus energy archetypes are expected to remain the same in a
kind of static way, the chief attribute of the Mercury archetype has to
do with energetic undulations.
I Thus, the Mercury archetype is usually represented with undu
lating coils and small wings on feet and on a helmet denoting psychic
I Based on clairvoyance of their various kinds of energies, these
three archetypes terms now make better sense.
■ The only apparent mistake is the rather superficial assumption
that the Martian and Venusian types are complimentary to each other
and somehow fit together.
v As far as of my clairvoyant observations have gone, this is de-
cidedly not the case.
SOME CLAIRVOYANT EXAMPLES OF THE
\ THREE SEXUALIZING ENERGI ES
B However, the Martian and Venusian types of sexualizing rega-
lia I’ve described cannot be taken as typical or standard— since mix-
tures of them are far more common.
■ Regarding the impressive female regalia, I’ve seen only two ex-
amples that fit the ideal feminine bill. One example concerned a sales
lady tending a perfume counter in the famous and very elegant
Bloomingdale’s department store in New York City.
■ I had gone there with a friend who wanted to purchase some
special skin lotions. This was before Carmen de Barazza helped close
down my “flaring chakras."
I could see the regalia from across the store, and it turned out
that her counter sold the types of lotions my friend was looking for.
I had already seen lesser versions of the female regalia, anil
had, with difficulty, comprehended what they meant. But this woman
was older, although well preserved and quite elegant and stunning, I
couldn't resist doing a little research. So I told her I was “developing my
This interested her, and so I popped the rather brash quest ion
Are you by any chance horny?
Her eyes widened. Oh, My God! You can see that! I'm about In
die. So I described what I was seeing, at which point she broke into
tearS ' It turned out that she was SIXTY-ONE years old. although she
looked fifty, and had undergone menopause years earlier at the appro-
My friend and I lingered at the counter for quite some time. We
discovered that her studdly live-in boyfriend, who was twenty-four, would
be back in town that very night. <
And so hypnotic had I become that I ended up buying $125-
worth of expensive lotions I didn’t need or want.
I’ve witnessed several versions of the male regalia full blown,
each of which were variations on the central theme. 0nly I" ' C "“
did I venture to pop the horny question, and was rewarded with suit-
According to my admittedly clairvoyant lucidity ^ observations
what is more usual is to find either smattenngs ” ™
Martian and Venusian sexualizing energies in the SAME individua
energy ^y^ gnergetic mixtures thus equate to the Mercury energy
archetype. The dislocations between the two sexual versions of the sexu-
alizing paraphernalia also have to be considered.
It is also not unusual to find male versions at least temporarily
manifesting parts of or the full female regalia (with the exception of the
green probing beam) or to find female versions temporarily manifest-
ing the male regalia (with the exception of the coils.)
Something here seems to fall within the scope of whatever or
whichever energy body the energy sensorium either wants to do, or want s
THE RELATIONSHIP OF HORNYNESS AND
THE DESIRE TO MELD OR BOND
The topic of melding will be more fully elaborated in the next
chapter. But setting aside here what might constitute psychological dif-
ficulties, blocks, or fixations, the purpose of hornyness seems to indi-
cate a desire to meld with someone or some thing.
If we add the concept of BONDING to this, arriving at double
concept of MELDING-BONDING, we can trace back into antiquity cer-
tain rituals designed to inspire and achieve such.
Many modern attitudes can hardly think of such rituals as any-
thing other than sexual— meaning that they can't get much beyond the
issues of the physical genitalia having precise, hut limited functions.
Even without the asset of clairvoyance, this seems a quite nar-
row vision. Even though such rituals obviously had their sexualizing
concomitants, the ancients could see that there was hardly any logical
reason to ritualize sexual activity per se. Something that goes on all of
the time hardly needs to be ritualized.
Melding and bonding, however, clearly should be ritualized, since
these constitute important issues above and beyond mundane physical
intercourse and etc. Even the heterosexual marriage rite today does
not ritualize intimate contact; rather it attempts to ritualize melding
It’s worth mentioning along these lines that perhaps the two
potential participants should undergo clairvoyant inspection before the
marriage rite. Legalized copulating alone often does not a marriage
It is helpful here to remember that the energy body is never
static. It is always in flux, or fluctuating. It is also plastic, and seems to
be enabled to “create" novel energy manifestations.
For example, the pranic chakras (which have been discussed)
are not usually seen as activated in most bio-psychic units. On the other
hand, some or all of them can magically appear, at least temporarily so,
where not one iota of evidence for them has been perceived before.
Thus, something here is obviously owed to the “states of con-
sciousness" the sensorium or vital soul has “decided” to manifest and to
meld or bond with.
It’s also very worthwhile to mention that the auras of certain
people seldom manifest any sexualizing energies, none of the regalia a!
I noticed that the auras of some people were a gorgeous blue, or
a gorgeous light purple. Upon questioning these people, they invariably
had higher, aesthetic or spiritual goals, with sex only occasionally In*
ing necessary or not at all. It was easy enough to associate such sox
empty energies to the Androgyne archetype.
Earlier this century, many psychologists and philosophers I lion
5t5V^(^ 01A^V <L
retically suggested that the “sex energies could be “sublimated" into
other creative urges and goals.
This is somewhat in keeping with what can clairvoyantly be
perceived, although a “shift” in consciousness is also apparently needed.
It is illogical to believe that a sensorium fixated into sex ener-
gies can sublimate them without also unfixating that particular state
THE PROBLEMATICAL NATURE OF MIXES
OF THE THREE SEXUALIZING ENERGY FORMS
I Before going on, it should be admitted that clairvoyantly I have
[ seen energetic phenomena I have not been able to identify or under-
Especially prominent among these are the black, right angle
bars seen in the auras and inside the bio-body, and the various kinds of
shooting in and shooting out radiances seen to leave and enter various
Also mysterious is seeing that an aura field is composed of more
than just one personal aura field, or several of them. Some of these,
1 j or a mix of then, can be identified as belonging to a female version,
M\ 1' The problem with clairvoyant seeing in this regard is that such
mixes tend to undulate in and gut of each other. They come, they go,
they appear, they vanish. But the implication is that it is not an indi-
vidual or personal aura being seen, but a composite.
From these additional “personal” auras, as it were, can occa-
sionally be seen flare-ups of the male or female regalia. The complica-
tions here seem obvious and insurmountable — unless we consider that
in some cases the energetic sensorium involved is a composite one, and
which will “produce” mixtures of sexualizing energies.
At any rate, there are confusions to be encountered when a in-
dividual aura or energy body manifests more than male or female en-
ergy manifestations, or manifests a mix of them.
Since we can suppose what these mixes or multiplicities prob-
ably mean in social terms, there is little point in delving too deeply into
As it is, however, some males manifest distinct female regalia
and this whether they are seen as physically feminine or butch or built
like brick shithouses.
Butch dykes almost always exhibit the protruding pink
pseudopodia from their crotch areas -although in those canes that en-
ergy organ usually doesn’t extend outward very far.
Both female and male versions can emit from their pores the
male or female globules, depending, it might be supposed, on circum
stances or perceived affinities of external sexualizing attractions.
Sometimes I’ve seen energy bodies having fully one-half of the
male sexualizing regalia and one-half of the female regalia. I’ve occa-
sionally witnessed married couples, seeming completely happy, but in
which the male manifests versions of the female regalia, while the fe-
male manifests those of the male.
I Thus, the Mercury archetype is perfectly valid, if based upon
what can clairvoyantly be seen. In this sense, then the modern terms
heterosexual, homosexual, and bisexual seem particularly limiting,
narrow, and often just plainly inapplicable. These terms are purely so-
ciological in origin — and don’t at all apply to sexualizing phenomena of
our species that transcends local sociological idiocies.
i It is worth recalling here that the Mercury archetype is “fluid”
like the liquid metal mercury. All human energy bodies are also “fluid.”
Indeed, fluidity is the hallmark of the human species in all
things, including physical motion, mental motion, spiritual and aes-
thetic motion, About the only thing that can become fixed, thus static,
in* convictions, and these are exclusively of static psychological origin.
I The equivalent of convictions can be perceived in human auras,
usually of the color black, or a darker non-luminous color. These “clouds”
• a ‘densities" can usually be seen as sucking in energy, perhaps like a
Mack hole, a vacuum cleaner, or in a vampire kind of way No outpour
mg can be seen, or only very weak ones.
For more specifics on all this, I’ll refer you to Barbara Ann
Mimnans competent book, HANDS OF LIGHT (1987), listed in the bib
In her book, among other topics important to clairvoyance, you
will find a section headed ‘The Energy Field of the Schizoid Structure,* 4
This refers to an energy structure characterized mainly by cncigy held
discontinuities like imbalances and breaks. These “structures” are not uncom-
mon, but they are outside the scope of this present book.
ENERGETIC COMPLEXITIES TO BE CONSIDERED
So far, although these commentaries might seem strange enough, there
are now some energetic complexities to be considered.
1 . Some male versions cannot be seen to possess the sexualizing
paraphernalia of the purple chakra in the cleft of their buttocks. If it is indeed
absent, and not merely reduced to nothing, then this absence seems to leave the
male curiously asexual, and often completely uninterested in such matters.
2. Likewise, some females can be seen to have an absence of the
complimentary blue-green chakra just inside their vaginas, with much the same
3. However, some males and females can be seen to have BOTH -
with resulting complications and confusions.
4 A male version can have the female chakra just above his penis or at
some point along the penis. The female version can have the male one, although
not in her ass cleft, but slightly above it nearer the tail bone.
Obviously, these factors begin to make for some complications regard-
ing the bending rays. And since these complications are so various, its rather
senseless to utilize the three stereotypes of heterosexual, homosexual, and
bisexual to describe them.
One reason is that the mix-up is more frequent than might be expected,
and that there is indeed a wide spectrum regarding what can then happen.
5. At times, these mix-ups seem only temporary and impermanent,
since in the same individuals they can be seen to change, vanish, and reemerge
at various times. Something obviously depends on circumstances here.
6 With equal shiftiness, the tip of the male penis can be seen having
the emerald green chakra, while in the female the clitoris can be found having
the ruby red one. .
These situations usually have unexpected (or expected) results
concerning the bending rays, and which results can easUy be described
as "attractions,” or better still as “pulling attractions which take the
intellects involved by surprise.
The presence of the usually red chakra in the crotch is usually
the same in both the male and female versions — with the exception
that if it is fading, has changed colors, or has darkened or blackened,
then almost assuredly the person will shortly be subjected to ill health.
It also appears that if this basic powerful chakra has somehow
become jeopardized, then a wide variety of emotional and adverse psy-
chological effects might also manifest.
For example. ANY toxic drugs, and any overuse of alcohol, seems
at least to temporarily distort this crotch chakra, not only as regards its
circularizing shape, but its colors as well.
While this chakra seems to have a great deal to do with sexu-
alizing activities, it’s impairment is also easily related to increases of
faulty judgment. If it is not impaired, it can yield increases in refined
THE ENERGETIC MELDINf i ri 1 m< I H *N
As has been mentioned, when auras are illunh "ImI • *ti |im|m •
they are seen only in the 2-dimensions the paper repronuhlft \ »» «
motional activity of the real aura is frozen on the page, aonnei mii • •»■»!*
come away from the illustrations with the idea that the mini
fields are static or motionless.
Written descriptions of auras can point up that t hey m o net \\ •
and motile. But still, in a visualizing sense, the static two dimensions!
image has entered into memory, which itself is likely to he predoml
nantly composed of billions of static pictures.
The whole of this leads to the subtle expectation that any clair
voyant perception of the auras will “see" them as they were presented
in the static illustrations. The reason is that verbal visual memory stor-
age are two different sectors of the overall memory storage banks.
It would take movie or video film to capture the auras in a three-
dimensional way, and give the necessary impressions of their active
Motion pictures can capture electromagnetic activity, especially
if they illuminate or ionize the atmosphere around them, such as is the
case regarding lightening either in nature or in laboratories.
Sometimes, still photographs of people demonstrate glows or
other phenomena around them. However, such effects are usually “ex-
plained" as trickery or as something amiss with the photo process.
Motion pictures of Kirlian auras have been achieved. These show
the energy discharges as scintillating, often as jumping around and
changing shape, and exhibiting sudden changes of color.
Conventional analysis dismisses these as mere electrostatic ef
fects, which most assuredly they are in one sense. But the question
remains as to why even electrostatic effects should happen.
In the case of the Kirlian effects, it is true that a mild elect rieiil
charge is being introduced into the hand, and that it is being discharged
out of the discharges that can be photographed, and explained
away as such.
But this is indicative of a process whereby any energy encoun-
tered by the body or energy field would likewise be absorbed and [then
discharged. So the Kirlian effects represent a simple model of what would
happen to the greater energetic whole.
Similar to the Kirlian effects, which are always dancing and
scintillating in motion, the whole of the aura would also be scintillating
and dancing in vital motion. Even aura fields that might at first _appear
to visualizing clairvoyance as motionless mists are composed of micro-
energetic particles always exhibiting some kind of energetic motion.
THE DYNAMIC MOTILITY OF
AURA ENERGY FIELDS
MOTILE is a term seldom used anymore, but it should be re-
stored to usage regarding aura energy fields.
As an adjective, MOTILE denotes “Capable of motion; charac-
terized by motion.”
MOTILITY denotes “Capable of the power of motion (as a qual-
ity of organisms.”)
The introduction of the term POWER into the above definition
is important, at least in its principle and most descriptive definition.
“Having ability to act or produce an effect; capacity tor being acted up
or undergoing an effect.”
The above definitions take on added luminosity if the term
DYNAMIC is introduced into them. The standard definitions of that
term usually refer only to physical forces or energies.
But the definition of DYNAMICS is more useful, and revealing.
It denotes “a branch of mechanics that deals with forces and their re a-
tion primarily to the motion, but sometimes also to the equilibrium ol
bodies of matter.” , . , . _ . ,•
This definition can logically be extended to include the motion
and/or equilibrium of “vital life organisms.” ^ V v TAMIQM ho
Keeping the above in mind, the definition of DYNAMISM be
comes quite interesting and revealing: ‘The theory that explains the
universe in terms of forces and their interplay.”
As might be surmised, this “theory” ih the modern Western
equivalent of the Pranic energies of ancient India, and the Ch’i energies
of ancient China.
If these definitions are carefully reflected upon, it is almost
impossible to consider any kind of energy as having anything remotely
resembling, as it were, effect-less-ness.
Energies, then, rather regularly produce dynamic effects, and
they do so whether they are, in any conventional sense, visible or invis-
ible, tangible or intangible.
The distinction between non- visual and visual clairvoyance has
been discussed in several different contexts.
Non-visual clairvoyance (a type of telesthesia) has been defined
under the connotation of dynamic “sensing” in the absence of any men-
tal imagery that goes along with visualizing clairvoyance.
Although non-visualizing clairvoyance is broadly discounted, it
is none the less a quite important form of it, since it most clearly repre-
sents the signal feature of energies — its impacting or dynamic effects.
Indeed, the effects are first sensed (because of their impacts),
but the initial sensing is almost immediately or simultaneously followed
by “knowledge” of from whom or from where the energies emanated.
If one has a form of clairvoyance developed enough to perceive
motional qualities of the “knowledge," then the rays, beams or energy
tubes conveying the energy can become visible. But this is a kind of
clairvoyance that MUST incorporate the “seeing” of the dynamic motil
ity of the energies involved.
The meaning here is that if the clairvoyant doesn’t expect to
sense-see the motility, then it is quite likely to remain in the invisible
The thrust of the foregoing discussion has been to bring to light
the motile-dynamic nature of aura energy fields — as contrasted to the
more usual static, motionless, concepts of them. The reason is t hut l he
motionless concept of the energies cannot incorporate something thiil
• he motile concept can — that there are enormous qualitative <lilfen»m • i
among the impacting energies, and this must have something to do * It h
subtle dynamic differences or essences imbedded in their motility.
motile energies as carriers of information
it represents beyond that.
lb „et into more refined distinctions of this, it can be»a.dthat
Broadly speaking, the sensing of the emotions (empathy) can
sometimes have confusing as^jects.^^ „ usually undergone
with high de^r 0 g f darity. the only real obstacle seeing to cons.st of
intellectual damage regarding sexuality as a whole.
Each of the categories mentioned above can. of course be con-
sidered superficially. But each of them can be transliterated into
cific type of “information.”
tltey carry ^ ^ vibrations are sensed as different from
each o to not simply as different vibrations, but by them dffferen in-
T nf this although information theorists are not overly
P r^"atat"e the less mahe a 8 ood case for utter-
preting the whole of existence as Information.
THE EXISTENCE OF ENERGY- INK >KMATK )N
But the fact is that Information Theory can be seen working
just about everywhere.
For example, the seeds of apples and the seeds of car! i rim y ! hr
specific energy-information that invariably produce apple I rocs and curt i
In principle, it would be possible by genetic engineering to meld thorn*
two together to produce an apple cactus.
For the vital life energies and forces to have any meaning at all,
it must be presumed that they either ARE or CARRY information. Tho
fact that clairvoyants perceive the information forces as radiances, lights,
colors, subtle fluids, fields, etc., is, in this sense, beside the point.
The “point" becomes more clarified in the case of psychic heal-
ing where the energetic-information patterns of the healer link into
and stimulate a reorganization of the energetic-information patterns of
the healee. _ -flf
Some of the better examples of this have been documented as
non-touch healing, where the physical hands of the healer do not touch
the physical components of the healee. In cases of non-touch healing,
the affect can only be an energetic one.
However, in some sense at least, the information-energies of
the healer would have to temporarily meld with the information -ener-
gies of the healee in order for a curative energy-information exchange
to take place.
But this leads to the prospect (better addressed as psychic force
creativity) that vital life information energies and forces are being
melded and exchanged all of the time anyway — even across distances,
such as in the cases of “absent” healing where the healer and healee are
separated by distances sometimes very great indeed.
It’s worth noting at this point, that if the fundamental nature of
mainstream societal resistance is examined in fundamental detail, all
of the vital force phenomena recounted in this book are objected to cm
the grounds that (under any name) the energies ARE informat ion nil
If the energies were just energies that did nothing, affected no! It
ing, remained ovalesque, then there would be no societal problem almiil
From the* point of social -control formats, however, one cun'!
untamed information running around wiUy-nilly-either emer^ng from
sensitives or seers, or consisting of unsuspected influences that might
be problematical to socio-authoritarian monopolies.
THE INFORMATION-EXCHANGE NATURE OF
The principle of bio-psychic, energetic melding somewhat Hows
over into the activities of psychic creativity, in which context its sub-
stantive phenomena could be treated in depth.
But the sexualizing phenomena that are the topic of this boo
are, in themselves, types of vital energy melding-this being more pro-
nounced and exact perhaps in the case of bio-psychic female versions
In addition, it should be pointed up that the bio-psychic meld-
ing principle need not necessarily carry information whose energetic-
intent is only sexual in nature.
Thus, there are additional energy formats involved. Sometimes
these activate during sexual-intent energetics. But sometimes they do
not. They are more likely to activate and become clairvoyantly percei -
able if the major intent is some kind of communion.
Naturally, one does not want to commune with something tnat
is energy-information unsuitable or non-productive. So, considering the
elegance of the vital force energies, it seems logical to assume that such
forces have specific energetic formats in this regard.
THE MALE MELDING TORUS
Regarding male versions seen clairvoyantly, when two of them
are near one another, a peculiar energy phenomenon might occur
A torque or torus can be seen horizontally forming around their
pectoral areas, running around the biceps and completing the circle at
the back^ ^ ^ 80met hi n g that produces a rotation, a turning, twist-
ing force. Atoms is a protuberance or a bulge, which is doughnut-shaped.
The male physical body can be seen standing in the doughnut’s
hole, while the torquing torus is about two to three feet out around the
body. So far as I can tell by micro-clairvoyance, this particular torque 1
nowhere linked to the bio-body, and so I identify them as free-standing
energetic phenomena. . , , ■
When this torque first forms, it is usually glowing golden in
color. The torques of two males can be seen magnetically attracting each
other, as if they “want" to meld. If the melding does not shortly take
place, then the color shifts to red. and tends to become "disturbed" and
“angry.” The emotions seem to respond likewise.
Meanwhile, a second, but smaller, torquing might form around
the area where the genitals are, and THIS one can be seen to involve
the basic red crotch chakra, the genitals, buttocks and upper thighs.
This is not quite free standing, but it forms about a foot outside
of the bio-body. The coils, earlier mentioned and always very impres
sive, might also form.
If by now a melding has not taken place, these torques can be
seen releasing curving rays of red and white energy which detach and
can whirl independently around, “disturbing” both the male versions
and anyone else in the proximity. There is considerable dynamic force
regarding the torques and the free-standing rays. The “atmosphere”
becomes heavy and tense.
i ne oest example i ve seen of these torques was the case of two
brothers who had been undergoing psychoanalysis for a long time be-
cause they hated each other, but couldn’t go their own ways.
In analysis, they had gotten so far as to conclude that their
“energies were irrevocably incompatible.” When they heard of my clair-
voyance they asked to visit.
When they walked into my studio, their mutual torques were in
such an advanced state of disrepair that they were sending out not only
whirling beams, but “sparks” as well. The “atmosphere” of my studio
instantly became quite tense, almost baleful.
I decided to get directly to the point by asking if they had hard
ons, which made them red in the face, but got their undivided atten
tion. I then did a rap about torques, and about the angry-heat they
could produce — and which had a totally surprising result in that both
broke into tears.
i uia not asK tnem to embrace and kiss, but in my explanaba y
rap it became clear to them what they had to do. After a little mumbling
about not being “fags," they physically approached each other
The magnetic torques around them immediately be. nme
larger torque surrounding both. With the “psychological conwnl
available, the torques themselves did the rest largely because the torques
are strongly “intelligently magnetic”— which seems to be the best way
to put it.
The two brothers embraced tentatively at first, but then ‘more
magnetically." Finally, with no embarrassment, they kissed like Rus-
sian men do.
The kissing-embrace did not last very long, but they apparently
forgot 1 was there. Meanwhile, in silence, their combined aura bodies
shifted from angry red to a most gorgeous blue outlined in a golden
I thought 1 could see their mutual energy networks duplicating
each other, but a good deal of clairvoyant stuff was going on and I couldn’t
Afterward, 1 made tea (mainly to reorganize myself,) and we
then talked for about two hours about clairvoyance and energy bodies.
During this time they nonchalantly held hands, and finally departed
with arms around each other’s shoulders.
The problem apparently had been that they had interpreted
their affinity and attraction to each other as homosexual, and this
aroused social fear in them. Their analyst had even diagnosed that this
was their “incestuous problem," and had told them so. They had been
paying perfectly good money for this “treatment.'
THE FEMALE MELDING TORQUES
Female versions produce torques, too, but of an entirely differ-
ent kind, abundantly more complex, but wondrously so.
Most female versions produce five of them.
The first, and sometimes predominant one is vertical and shaped
like a two-pointed oval.
The top point is about two to three feet above the head, the
bottom point is beneath the feet and penetrates into the ground and
Conjoined to this one are four more, making five in total. If seen
from above, they make the shape of a five-pointed star.
Male versions do not always have their torques, but it seems
that female versions always do.
While in the male versions the powerful gold-red melding torques
rotate horizontally, the perpendicular torques of the female versions
slowly rotate vertically and into and out of each other, and can do so
rhythmically and in wonderful tempos.
In the female versions, the rotating torques, if in a kind of inac-
tive state, resemble colorless glass tubes about an inch or less in diam-
When they are energized they become at first golden. If these
melding torques are not fulfilled, they then turn sort of an angry elec-
tric blue— at which time the “atmosphere” around the female will turn
I’ve only occasionally seen these torques throw off free-stand-
ing rays, but when they do they are very unsettling to others who expe-
In color, the flung-out rays are usually a dirty white or gray
When the torques of male and female versions “wish" to meld
and duplicate each others’ Information, a kind of template or pattern of
the female torques will appear around the male, while the pattern of
the male torque will appear around the breast area of the female.
T hese, however, are quite delicate and transparent, and both
sets of torques and templates disappear upon “consent” to meld.
GEOMETRIC ENERGY STRUCTURES
If melding (energy information exchange) has been successful,
« teI ^porary illumination will appear in the auras above the head
whether the melding is of the two or same sexes.
This is usually glowing white, and often I believe mistaken for
the important Pramc crown chakra. Subjected to micro-clairvoyance
these illuminations can be seen containing a vast array of different col
ored lights, usually pastel in color, and also, of all things, a vast array of
.V J hese are rppid,y changing and fluctuating into and out of each
other. The nearest analogy I can devise is of a computer processing in
lormation via symbolized energiesr-and with exceeding speed ho I
that the symbols become indistinct as blobs of light. These illumnm
lions are wonderful and exquisite to behold. When the processing of Hie
melding seems complete, they disappear.
However when I first saw these symbols I truly thought I was
1 C “ me rET«« Clairvoyant who saw these symbols as a
Part 0f te a rd=t;"aut“S p.intin.s of them, calling them
-personal archetypes." Some of C “ n ' >
ion book to come under the tttle of PSYCHIC CREAT1V1 V.
HUMAN ENERGETICS— A SCIENCE DENI El )
It is difficult to wrap up this book, because its overall inforinn
tion content obviously extends into other large areas of human oner
getic activity, especially the areas of creativity and power.
Thus, without taking a breath, it would be easy enough simply
to segue into both of those topics. Like this book, the central major topic
of the two has to do with the existence of invisible energetics, and which,
in some sense at least, account for the amazing, but elusive, special
phenomena encountered in both areas.
Those special phenomena have been left unaccounted for. There
are a number of lesser societal reasons, but the larger one is simply
that the science of human energetics has for a very long time been
avoided and denied at the behest of powerful mainstream forces.
I The exact, bigger-picture reasons that stimulate this denial are
quite difficult to fathom. Whatever they are, they certainly go against
the overall concept of an unbiased accumulating of enlightened know!
edge on behalf of enlarging human understanding and transformative
values of it.
I OCCULTISM AS THE SCIENCE OF ENERGETICS
Generally speaking, however, interest in universal, cosmic, and
organic energetics has never disappeared entirely, and much along suc h
lines has been undertaken by those interested in doing so.
Give or take a little, the entire category of occultism and occult
knowledge can be thought of as the science of energetics.
Indeed, the various aspects of whatever has been assigned an
occult do deal with invisible factors, and principally with energetics
and how various energies are distributed in the cosmos and in orgimit
In this sense, “occultism" has fundamental and important hint*
in antiquity, and much has continuously been derived from them
I Hut through the centuries they have been added to at vailnun
I'lHK’hs, while in some of the epochs the work was condemned and had
to be conducted “underground.” Hence, the term OCCULT (meaning
“hidden”) has a double meaning. The energetics studied were hidden by
their essential invisibility, and hidden also to avoid mainstream con-
The thread that links most of the occult work into one continu-
ous piece is that the universe is made up of energies, and that these
download in different interplaying formats, and the different formats
are those subtle vital life energies from which all animated life form
Something like this is the essential definition of Prana of an-
cient India, and of Ch’i of ancient China. There are many other terms
for the same idea. The modem West even has one that verges on scien-
tific authenticity. This term, as we saw in the foregoing chapter, is DY-
NAMISM— a theory that explains the universe in terms of forces and
There is a strange aspect to the societal suppression of occult
No matter the suppression, and how trenchantly it is conducted,
the topic of energetics simply reemerges again and again, under differ-
ent auspices, and under different nomenclature.
The most probable reason for the reemergence is that certain
individuals perceive the value and meaning of knowing something about
energetics, and especially so with regard to human activity.
THE ENERGETIC NATURE OF
SECRET SOVIET RESEARCH
As but one rather amusing example, in 1969, the American in-
| telligence community had become unnerved by a surprising discovery—
' that since the 1930s the Soviet Union had secretly been conducting se-
I rious research into psychic phenomena.
I Further, the Soviet research was big-time, and involved some
I nineteen major military research centers.
| The whole of chis constituted something of a socio-political mys-
tery. Not only was the sheer size of the Soviet effort a shock to American
' analysts, but the very idea of such research was also in conflict with
I Communist philosophy.
As informed Westerners understood it, the political sociology of
Uo laical cn/vj cm
Marxist-Communist thinking ardently held Western psychic phenom-
ena and parapsychology to consist of superstitious beliefs compiled with
Thus any such phenomena must not only be avoided in the So-
viet Union, but actively purged.
But far from being purged, such work was boldly underway in
the Soviet Union, and so there were possible scientific and military is-
sues involved, but also political and societal ones.
In the light of this possible ominous Soviet development, a quite
large and longer-term effort was made to find out what the Soviets were
doing. One of the first larger-picture discoveries was that Russia and
other significant portions of the Soviet Empire were Asian in cultural
background, and as such possessed deep currents of Asian ethos.
Such guiding principles had historically legitimized such ac-
tivities as acupuncture, chi gong, shamanism, second-sight, and dis-
tant influencing as being energetic functions not only in nature, but as
regards the human systems.
In this sense, then, the Soviet scientists did not see such ener-
getic manifestations as arising from psychologically decadent causes,
but as bio-energetic (the Soviet term) functions that could be ascertained,
explored and demonstrated in laboratories.
Thus, without too much fuss and bother, the Soviet “bio-ener
getic'’ and “bio-communication" research could be incorporated into tin*
socio-political think of the Soviet Union.
Because the distinction here may remain ambiguous at first , it
needs to be clearly pointed up.
Contrary to the understanding in the West that parapsychol
ogy researched “powers of mind,” the Soviets were busily researching
biological ENERGIES. Put another way, the Soviets were in the pro
cess of developing a science of human energetics.
The developing Soviet science, therefore, had no compinsbli
counterpart in the West, so American analysts were initially unnlilu i«»
grasp what was involved — since they thought in terms of montal j*he
nomena rather than biological energetic phenomena.
The modern West had established no science regarding I lie
of human energetics — and which field indeed had long been
ceptance, as we have seen in this book.
The Soviet energetics did have a comparable counterpart in Asia,
and especially in China, and a very ancient and authentic counterpart
Ht that It is found elucidated, among other sources, as one of the doc-
trines of TAO, variously translated as “The Way,” or “The Supreme Path
of Nature”— which constitutes a philosophy that has permeated the
whole structure of Chinese thought and society for over 2,500 years.
As referred to earlier, a rather neat synopsis of the “Supreme
Path” is contained in Reay Tannahill’s fascinating book, entitled SEX
IN HISTORY (revised and updated edition, 1992).
As noted by Tannahill, within the Supreme Path of Nature,
Existence appeared as a dynamic, “energetic movement of change, a
kind of space-time continuum of fluid energies in which man, beast,
trees, mountains, cloud, river and sea were all indissolubly merge
Weaving and powering an erratic trail through all of these is
the force (energy) known as CH’I, the vital essence, the breath of life-
and whose path is the Supreme Path of Nature.
In the sense of this vital force (energy) as the fundamental es-
sence of EXISTENCE, the ancient Chinese viewed CHI as THE pri-
mary factor of all that exists. So the primary factor of whatever exists is
first ENERGETIC, and only then do the realms of the phenomenal,
including those physical and mental, manifest.
In her book examining sex in history, Reay Tannahill was obliged
to make the important connection between Eastern knowledge of CH I
energetics and sexualizing energetics, a connection that has gone miss-
ing in the West.
Beyond that connection, however. Eastern knowledge of CHI
resulted in the formulations of acupuncture, ch'i gong (energy- healing),
cognitive extensions of CH’I force as a basis for many of the martial
arts, and for various kinds of shamanism and divination.
Developmental CH’I also led to empowerment of various states
of exceptional experiencing easily comparable to certain kinds of ener-
getic PSI phenomena in the West.
In the West, however, such energetic functions were
mistaken as psychological powers of mind, not as basic powers of ener-
getics. (Quite a number of the astonishing energetic functions derived
from the practice of CH I gong are described in a recent (1997) book by
Paul Dong and Thomas E. Raffill, entitled CHINA’S SUPER
A CHIEF CHARACTERISTIC OF
WESTERN PSI RESEARCH
The study of the sociological implications of PSI also revealed a
number of things about the West- where the occurrence of energetic
phenomena did not enjoy the traditional background as found in Asia
and much of Eastern Europe.
To help explain this, Asia had always considered the body-en-
ergy-mind as three primary factors of human existence. But the West
utilized only the two-part body-mind model. In the West, therefore, all
human phenomena had to be attributed to the body or to the mind.
The three-part Asian model, however, was in keeping with most
pre-modern societies the world over. Indeed, as established via archae-
ology and anthropology, most pre-modern societies made allowance for
the three-part idea of the human in which the energy part was concep-
tualized as distinct from, but interrelated with, the other two parts.
In the West, as the modern age condensed and solidified its
philosophical and scientific identity, a departure was made from the
pre-modern triune of body-energy-mind.
Although energies were still referred to in the philosophies and
sciences of the modern West, they were thought of not as things-in-
themselves, but only as subsidiary elements of the body or mind.
Another way of putting this is that energy was considered only
as amorphous potential until it was manifested either as physical or
This resulted in the broad Western understanding that the liu
man entity indeed possessed energies, but that these were internal to
and commensurate with the dualism of body-mind, and thus having no
In their biological sense, the body energies could miiiplv !••
thought of as mechanistic in nature. The mental energies warn a hnl.>
more difficult to conceptualize in terms of psychology.
And in that regard a number of fatiguing problems ultimately
arose which began serving as background for a number of enigmas,
paradoxes, and conundrums. These paradoxes have never really been
Even so. the philosophies and sciences of the Modem Age moved
dynamically forward, deservedly triumphant in very many aspects. But
the same philosophies and sciences became increasingly weak regard-
ing such problems— identified as, for example, the body-mind relation-
ship, the body - mind interface, etc. None of these problems could be, and
have not yet been, convincingly resolved in the absence of human ener-
SOME HISTORICAL NOTES REGARDING
THE DENIAL OF ENERGETICS IN THE WEST
In terms of its history, the blow-by-blow developments that led
to the Western denial of energetics are complicated. But it is quite easy
to recognize one of the most important fall-outs from the denial.
The fall-out is that the phenomena of energies, or energetics,
that could not be directly attributed to body or mind gradually collated
into the area earlier known as the “occult sciences,” but which category
was stigmatized as unscientific in its fundamental nature.
In not only the philosophic or scientific sense, but in the broad
societal sense, this development demarcating the scientific from the
unscientific can clearly be seen as a denial of the major substance of the
occult sciences — VITAL ENERGIES.
Since the later psychical and subsequent parapsychological re-
search arose out of the discredited occult sciences, the mainstream sci-
ences needed to be intolerant of them as well.
While it is true that the so-called occult sciences came to consist
of many intellectual confusions, their major substance consisted of stud-
ies of energetic phenomena as, so to speak, things in themselves — and
as having real and natural cosmic existence before they become inter-
active with subsequent human energy dynamics.
The nexus of all of this had to do with the fact that human ener-
getic organisms can often sense such supernal energies, even if only
ambiguously so. Most pre-modern societies made some kind of socio-
cultural allowance for this type of sensing. The theoretical strictures of
the modern body-mind dualism did not.
The reasons for the modern strictures are not easily identified
or explained. But it was quite easy to truce the evolution of the strir
It can be said, with historical justification, that the sciences of
the Renaissance were focused on positive distinctions regarding the "in
fluences” of cosmic, natural and biological “energetics." Within these
energies, the triune concept of body-energy-mind had a correct and au
But at some early point during the post-Renaissance decadeH,
this important trinity almost invisibly passed from mainstream consid
eration, and this produced two results:
1 that the human was increasingly explained as body-mind only;
2 that the Renaissance concepts of energetics increasingly were
stigmatized as “occult” and hence unscientific
The chronology established that the Western strictures against
energetics had surfaced after the Renaissance, roughly between 1680
and 1730 during which period the negative distinction of the so-called
occult sciences was formalized.
This anti-occult trend conditioned societal responses away from
occult matters and phenomena — and increasing ratios of mainstream
social intolerance against them began manifesting.
It was also easy to establish that roughly by 1850 or earlier, the
strictures themselves came to constitute the accepted societal, main
stream parameters of knowledge, while practically no consideration was
any longer given to actual human experiencing that did not fit into I he
Roughly between 1680 and 1880, the problems regarding the
conflicts between occult and scientific knowledge had accumulated to
an enormous degree. By 1880, the mainstream sciences had become
entirely resistive regarding the issues involved.
Recognizing the existence of this situation, leading tliinb ••• «
including many eminent scientists, organized research soviet mil
the forbidden energetic phenomena independently of the mu I team
The first and most dynamic of those societies emerged In I
don 1882 under the rubric of “psychical research."
As we have seen in the text, the early psychical researchers
were clearly examining energetic phenomena that were most astonish-
ing. However, many (but not all) early psychical researchers themselves
had accepted the assumed authenticity of the body-mind dualism.
And so, between about 1882 and the 1930s, the principle para-
psychological concepts advanced ESP, psychokinesis and telepathy, etc.,
as being exclusively involved with unknown components of mind.
Throughout the whole of this convoluted saga, the existence of
energies per se was not denied.
But the energies were associated in secondary ways with body
and/or mind, and no discrete science of primary energetics evolved to
consider the energies as factors independent of the body-mind dualism.
It is to be noted that the body-mind dualism IS an ism— ISM
always referring to a distinct doctrine or theory, as compared, for ex-
ample, to distinctly observable phenomena or facts.
During the Progressive Age of Western science and psychology
(roughly between 1905-1955), thinkers had expended a great deal of
activity and funding in an effort to identify what the “normal” human
consisted of. . , ,
This effort basically consisted of attempts, in the form ot whole-
sale “testing" of individuals, to ascertain various psychological and in-
telligence criteria that would identify the "normal from the abnor-
mal"— but which criteria more or less had already been decided upon
theoretically and philosophically.
By tracing the history of this period, it could be seen that dis-
tinctions between normal and abnormal were undertaken in the name
of science and psychology theory— not in the name of actual human
experiencing. (I.e., anything that tasted of the occult was abnormal.)
But more in fact, the guiding principles of this effort were socio-
logical in conceptualization— in that any results obtained by the effort
were ultimately geared toward utilization in sociological management.
THE UNACKNOWLEDGED NECESSITY OF
THE ENERGETIC COMPONENT
ing of them.
Without this component, such phenomena more or less have to
be shunted to the unscientific fringes— since* neither the body as such,
or the mind as such, can convincingly explain them.
After the disappearance of Renaissance “energetics,” and until
the Soviet introduction of “bio-energetics,” no comparable, official con-
cept really existed in the modern scientific and philosophical West. Al-
though human energies could be talked of in popular, layman terms, no
official scientific or philosophical substance existed for them.
It was only by tracing the Western sociological treatment of psy-
chical phenomena that not only the avoidance, but ultimately the de-
nial, of human energetics became identifiable. In fact, however, there
are no real scientific grounds for such an wholesale avoiding of ener-
getic phenomena. And so this ‘avoiding now stood out like a red flag in
a sea of white ones.
ENERGETICS— THE BRIDGE TO UNDERSTANDING
SEXUAL AND CREATIVE ENERGIES
It is, of course, a great leap from Soviet and Chinese energetics
to the topics of human sexuality and creativity. But those two topics are
among the most commonly and frequently experienced and sensed as
being energetic in nature — with the advantage that they are always
sensed as energies much before anything else.
In any event, it can be said that nothing happens unless some
kind of energetics is involved. It would seem, then, that establishing
and enlarging studies of human energetics would contribute to empow
erment in many areas.
Whatever else might be said about psychical phenomena, an
“energetic” component is necessary to begin any significant understand-
NOTE: The topic of psy< In. hoxuii! ennigii’s In |#Mnm Inmiil ill
rectly addressed in published materials, or in relutimi Inp In lh«* Hold
of human energetics now growing. There* are two prim ipitl mm mm fm
First, information during the modern period was inri hiiniii»(Iy
compartmentalized into mainstream Helds, disciplines and *p« « mil m •»
One of the ultimate results was that various categories of infer m it ion
were insulated from each other — and so greater integration of nil know I
edge seldom took place. ^
Second, various kinds of information were treated mi taboo dm
ing the same modern period, and as such none was permitted to In! rude
into any of the compartmentalized categories as established The topics
of human energetics, PSI, and sexualizing energies were excluded from
entry into any established field, or any field seeking mainstream accep-
The advent of the Sex Liberation Age (c. 1965) served to estab
lish a new compartmentalized field for sexual behavioral studies and
the bio-mental aspects of sexuality. But as the new field opened up and
developed, it remained insulated from most other established fields,
with its interests avoiding the taboos of PSI, human energetics, and the
topic of sexual energies.
Even if oblique, all of the sources listed below have some kind of
reference to sexual and human energetics, the latter a new field still
seeking authenticity. But as is the case with most of the sources, one
has to read between the lines in order to grok the hidden implications
regarding meaning and implications via a vis the topic of sexualizing
energies. It is also to be understood that the lines between sexualizing
energies and other kinds of human energies can be very miniscule.
Allen, Paula Gunn, Grandmothers of the Light: A Media fir
Womans Sourcebook. (Beacon Press, Boston, 1991.)
Bagnall, O., The Origins and Properties of the Human Aura
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